El Charango y la Sirena

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The Charango and the "Sirena": Music, Magic, and the Power of LoveAuthor(s): Thomas TurinoSource: Latin American Music Review / Revista de Música Latinoamericana, Vol. 4, No. 1(Spring - Summer, 1983), pp. 81-119Published by: University of Texas PressStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/780281 .

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Thomas Turino The

Charango

and the

Sirena: Music, Magic, and

the

Power

of

Love

In

southern

Peru,

the

charango1

is

used

by

both

campesino

traditional

Quechua-

and

Aymara-speaking

peasants)

and

mestizo

(used

here

to

denote mixed

indigenous

and

Spanish

cultural

heritage)

musicians

in

what

may

be

regarded

as

two

basically

distinct

musical traditions.

Although

the

charango

is used

in

a

variety

of

con-

texts,

ranging

from

the

papa tarpuy

(potato-planting

ceremony) among

campesinos

o

mestizo concert

stage performance,

there

is a

predominant

cultural

association

of the

instrument

with

the

power

to

attract

and

seduce women and with matters of courting and love. In such activities,

the

instrument

is

used

in

both

culturally

sanctioned and

unsanctioned

ways.

Here,

I

shall focus

my

attention

on

the

charango

and

its actual and

symbolic

functions

in the

courting

cycle

in

the

province

of

Canas,

Cusco.

In

Canas the

charango

is

used

almost

exclusively by young,

single

men

in

courting

activities,

and the

instrument

is viewed as

an

essential

tool

for

winning

a

girl.2

In

this

region,

courting

takes

place

in

a

sequence

of

formalized

activities

in which

the

charango

serves

a

well-defined,

central

role.

This

topic

is

illuminated

further

by

the

description

and

analysis

of

a

body

of folklore that

is an intimate

part

of the

charango

tradition and

in-

volves,

of

all

things,

the

figure

of

a

mermaid,

la

sirena.

Throughout

the

southern

Peruvian

sierra,

young

charanguistas

charango players)

turn to

the

sirena

for

supernatural

aid

in

their

musical endeavors

to

capture

the

hearts of ladies.

Specific

magical

rites

are

performed

to

this

end,

and

legends

abound

of

the

sirena's intervention

in

the

activities

of the

string

musician

(see

Appendix

1).

The sirena

is so

important

to

these musicians

that she serves as their own special muse. It will become apparent that

this

very

strange

association-of

the

highland

charango

with the mer-

maid-may

be

explained

in

regard

to

a

common

underlying

significance;

that

is,

like the

sirena,

who for

good

or

ill uses the

power

of music to

seduce,

we find the

charango

vested

with

a

similar

ambiguous power.








82

:

Thomas

Turino

Part

1

Courting

n Canas

Among

campesinos

n

Canas,

charango performance

is

viewed as

an es-

sential

activity

for

winning

the

heart

of

a

chola

(peasant

girl).

The

instru-

ment is central to a

series of

courting

activities

that take

place

through-

out the

year

and

that

culminate in

marriage

or

sirvinakuy

a

socially

sanc-

tioned

period

of trial

marriage).

For this

reason,

the

charango

is

not an

instrument

for

specialists.

Rather,

every young

man

develops

some

per-

formance

ability,

which allows

him

to

participate

in

the

courting cycle.

The first

stage

of

courting

takes

place

at the

weekly

markets in the

larger villages

in

Canas. The

young single

men who live in

the

surround-

ing

communities come to these markets

by

foot or on horseback and

usually

play

their

charangos

as

they

travel.

The

young

men

who

are

actively

involved in

courting

not

only

dress

themselves in

their finest

clothes,

but

they

may

also

decorate their cha-

rangos

elaborately

(see

photo

1).

Both

aspects

outwardly signify

the

kind

of

activity transpiring,

as

well as

support

it,

since the

desired intent

is

to

impress

the

young

ladies. The musicians

decorate their

instruments with

ribbons and mirrors, and each has its own

significance.

Although

not to

be

taken

literally,

boastful Caneino

youths

state

that

each of the

colored

ribbons

hung

from the

instrument's

peg

head

(and

often

they

are abun-

dant)

represents

a

girl

who has

been

conquered.

Hence,

numerous

rib-

bons are a

sign

of machismo

(manliness)

and

prowess

in

love. The

mirrors,

also

hung

from

the

peg

head,

are

said

to

represent eyes,

which

attract

the chola.

In

legends

and

festival

dances

throughout

Cusco,

mirrors

are

supposed

to have

the

special power

to attract

individuals

by

capturing

their

images

in

the

glass.3

A

number of

these

young

musicians confided

that they decorate their instruments precisely to attract girls' attention.

Furthermore,

although

not

directly

stated,

the

conspicuous

decorations

may

also

be

used

as a

demonstration of

wealth meant to

impress

the

girls

(One

campesino

proudly

volunteered the information

that

his

cha-

rango

cost

5,000

soles

1$12.50[

and

that the ribbons

and

mirrors

cost

nearly

the

same).

The

young

charanguistas

at

these

markets stated

consistently

that

they

carried

their

charangos

to "sacar

chicas"

(to

get girls

or to

attract

girls).

They

also

indicated that one could

not

expect

any

real success with

the

ladies unless one was playing the charango. It is often at the village

markets where a

young

man

first makes

his

intentions known to the

girl(s)

of

his

choice.

Courting

begins

in a

very

subtle, nonverbal,

but

persistent,

manner.

The

young charanguista,

having

identified

his

heart's

desire,

passes by

her

frequently,

or hovers

around

her and strums his








Photo

1

Young

CAMPESINO

dressedfor

courting,

Descanso,

Canas

1981

(Photo:

Elisabeth Barnett

Turino).








i

Photo

2

CHARANGUISTA

strolling

the

market

n

Descanso,

Canas

(Photo: author).

-'u,:i:-:-;-: i::i:::=?:-:?i:::::?=-:Wi








86 : Thomas Turino

done

in a

variety

of

contexts and

choreographic styles

but

that is

clearly

related to

the

pre-Columbian

dance.

The

dance

specifically

termed

punchay

kashwa in

Canas is a

courting

dance done at

public

fiestas

in

the

plazas

or

streets

of a

village.

The

young

men who

participate

always

perform

the

musical

accompaniment

for

the

dance on their

charangos

in

unison

in a

strumming style

as

they

dance:

,\

J=

7

(

loo)

: . .

Example

1.

PUNCHA

Y

KASHWA

The

dance

itself

may

take several

choreographic

forms,

as the

following

illustrations

show.

The basic dance

step comprises

two

taps

of

one

foot,

out

to the side

(while

remaining stationary

[1-2

in

fig. 2]),

a

change

over

step

on the

same

foot

(forward

motion

[3]),

then two

taps

with

the

op-

posite

foot

(stationary

[4-5],

another

change

over

step

(forward

motion

[6]),

and

then

the

cycle repeats.

Note

that the

musical

phrase

of

the

melody,

which is six

beats

in

duration,

corresponds

with the

six-beat

dance

cycle.

It is

clear

from the

diagrams

of

the

choreography

(fig.

1)

that

the

young

people participate

as a

group

and that the male/female

dichotomy

is

emphasized.

In

figure

la,

the

circular form of

the

dance is divided

in-

to distinct

male and female semicircles.

In

figure

lb

the

men are en-

veloped by

the circle

of

dancing

women,

and

thus once

again

the

dis-

tinction

between the male

and female

spheres

is stressed

in

the

choreog-

raphy.

Although

the kashwa

is

not

a

couples

dance

per

se,

the dancers

identify

themselves

as

couples.

This is

evidenced

in

the feverish

activity

to

secure








-c

04

C4

.7C

( p ) Q

0

4-Ql

o _ o

C

1c1

C

a/tO

\q

((








88 :

Thomas

Turino

^

Q6

4-5

A

o

I-Z

Figure

2

(1-2)=

two

taps

out to

the

side,

right

foot

(weight

on left

foot)

(3)

=

change

over

step

on

right

foot

(weight

on

left

foot)

(4-5)=

two

taps

out to

the

left,

left

foot

(weight

on

right

foot)

(6)

=

change

over

step

on left foot

(weight

on

right

foot)

one

dance

cycle-six

beats

1 J

J

(

--

3

S C

Figure

3

a

"partner"

in

the

weeks

leading up

to these events.

I

observed

in

the

market

courting

activities that intraction

between the

boys

and

girls

was

subtle,

indirect,

and

nonverbal,

thus

emphasizing

the

social

separation

of

males and females. In the market

context,

communication between the

two

spheres

takes

place

primarily through

musical

means,

(i.e.,

charango

performance)

as

well as

through gestures

and

glances.

So

too,

in the

pun-

chay

kashwa,

the

male

and female

spheres

remain

separate,

as demon-








The

Charango

and the Sirena

:

89

strated

in the

choreography,

and the

pairing

off of

couples

remains

subtle and implicit, although the participants know who the couples are.

In

the

punchay

kashwa music is

again

the

major communicatory

medium

between the

separate

male

and female

worlds

(and

between

partners),

as

is

evident

in the

songs

and the

way

they

are

performed.

The

musical

performance

may

take a

variety

of forms.

First,

the

boys

may simply play

the musical

accompaniment

to the dance on

their cha-

rangos.

Second,

the

girls may sing

in

unison to the

boys'

charango

ac-

companiment.

In a third

form,

the

girls

and

boys perform

the

songs

in a

call-and-response

(antiphonal)

fashion. Sometimes the

male

and female

dancers sing in unison, but what happens more frequently is that the

boys

and

girls sing

different verses

at

each other

simultaneously,

each

trying

to out-shout

the

other. Thus

in

the musical

performance

the

male/female

dichotomy

is

expressed,

but

it

is

equally

clear

that music

and

singing

serve

as the

communicatory

medium

between

the

sexes.

The

punchay

kashwa

song

is

strophic.

Verses

may

be

improvised

on the

spot,

or the

singer may

draw

from

a

large repertoire

of

stock verses.

Since the music

performance

so often takes the form of a

"song

duel"

between

the

sexes,

verses are

improvised

or chosen to offer

whatever

challenge, comment, insult,

or comeback

the situation

requires.

When

singing

as

a

group, they

follow

a

leader's choice

in

regard

to the

stanza

to be

sung.

The

intensity

of

the musical

activity

builds as the

perfor-

mance

progresses,

until the dancers

finally

wear themselves out

in

the

climatic

singing/shouting

matches.

The

songs

most often

begin

with

either invitations to

dance or com-

ments on the

dancing

activity:4

Hakuchu

hakuchu

Let's

go,

let's

go

boys:

Qhaswarakamusun

Dancing

the kashwa

HakuchuMamachay Let's go little mama

Qhaswarakamusun

Dancing

the

kashwa

Subtle

challenges

are

introduced

into the

invitations

and

are

aimed at

the

opposite

sex

(and

usually

at a

specific

partner):

Mana

sayaqtiyki

If

you

won't dance

boys Noqa

sayakusaq

I am

going

to dance

(anyway)

or Mana

qhaswaqtiyki

If

you

won't

dance

the

kashwa

girls:

Noqa qhaswakusaq

I

am

going

to dance

the

kashwa (anyway, i.e., with

someone

else)

And

the banter

between

the sexes intensifies as

they

wind into

the

per-

formance:








90 :

Thomas

Turino

Hakuchu hakuchu

Puriramusiasun

Hakuchu hakuchu

Kay

ura kallinta

Mana

risaymanchu

Kay

ura kallinta

Supay

masiykipas

Selosakuwanman

Let's

go,

let's

go

Walking

Let's

go,

let's

go

To

this

street

below

(i.e.,

away

from

the crowd-let's

go

off

alone)

I

can't

go

To this

street

below

A

devil

like

you

Makes me

suspicious

(jealous)

Then

the insults

begin,

and

both one's

partner

and

one's rivals

in

love

are

fair

game:

Wasiyki

qhepapi

kinsa

loqlo

runtu

Kinsantin

inkayki

noqa

contra

kasqa

Pin

mana

yachanchu

Khuchikasaqaykita

Pin

mana

yachanchu

Khuchikasaqaykita

In

back of

your

house

there

are three

rotten

eggs

Your three friends

are

against

me

(i.e.,

are

my

rivals)

Who does not know

That

you

are

filthy

Who does not know

That

you

are

filthy

The

wealth

and

ingenuity

of these

song

texts and

the

way

that

they

are

manipulated

in

performance

deserve to be the

topic

of

a

separate

ar-

ticle.

Let it suffice to

say

here

that

jokes, jabs,

insults,

challenges

(are

you

going

to

dance well?/are

you

going

to

dance

like

a

man?),

as well as

praise

for oneself

(I

am

well-known

throughout

this

region

/

all

the

cholas

like to

look

at

me)

are

themes

included

in

these

songs

and are a

part

of

the beginning of courtship and sexual play.

The

song

of the

punchay

kashwa

is a

particulary

good example

of how

one can

sing

things

that one cannot

say,

or that

are

socially

unacceptable

to

say.

I

have

implied

above that

during

the

early stages

of

courtship

the

young people

of Canas are

bound,

either

by

social norms

or

by shyness,

not to

speak

to each other. And

yet

in the

performance

of the

punchay

kashwa

song, they

sing

to,

and

at,

each other with an absolute

boldness,

because

the situation

is framed

in a

way

that allows

for

this

type

of ac-

tivity.

Clearly,

the

dance,

the

music

performance

in

general,

and cha-

rango performance in particular are essential features for keying this

particular

frame,

which

makes communication

between the

sexes,

and

courtship, possible.

At a more concrete

level,

the

charango provides

the

instrumental

accompaniment

for the dance

and

song.

Furthermore,

for

a

boys:)

girls:)

boys

or

girls:








The

Charango

and the

Sirena : 91

young

man,

the

ability

to

perform charango

is essential to his

participa-

tion

in this

important

courting

activity.

The

Tuta Kashwa

Kashwanapatata

In

the

place

of the

kashwa

Hakuchu

rirusun

Let's

go

walking

Sayana

lomata

To dance

in

the

hills

Hakuchu

rirusun

Let's

go walking

This verse, sung during a punchaykashwa, is a very special type of invita-

tion

to dance. The reference

to

the

kashwapata

place

of the

kashwa),

and

dancing

in

the hills

indicates that the

singer

is

referring

to the

tuta

kashwa

(night

kashwa).

Unlike the

public punchay

kashwa,

the

tuta kashwa

is

a

private

young people's

dance

that

takes

place

in a

special

place,

the

kashwapata,

in

the hills

near the

community during

the

nights

of

April

to

July.

In

many

instances

the tuta

kashwa

is the

culmination of

courting,

since it is in

this context

that the

young couples

often make

love for

the

first

time,

which

leads to

marriage

or

sirvinakuy

trial

marriage).

Hence,

the reference to the tuta kashwa sung in a verse during the punchaykashwa

is

an

invitation to the next

and

often last

stage

of

the

courting process

and

has the

implied

reference

to sexual

activity.

I

noted above

that,

during

the

village

markets,

the

charanguistas

play

only

the

melody

of

the

tuta

kashwa

during

their

initial

courting

activities.

)

J=

oo

Example

2.

TUTA

KASHWA

The

repeated performance

of the

tuta kashwa

melody

as the

charanguista

buzzes around

his

prospective

sweetheart serves as

an

implied

nonverbal

invitation to consummate the

courting process.

The

message

is

delivered

through purely

musical means

and,

in

this

case,

the

tuta

kashwa

melody

serves as a

musical index for

both the tuta kashwa dance

context,

and

lovemaking,

which

is

commonly

a

part

of this context.5

Thus in

Canas,

the

simple

tuta

kashwa

melody

must be understood

as

having

a

particu-








92

:

Thomas

Turino

larly provocative meaning,

and

it is

for this reason that

the

young

cam-

pesinos strum it continually as they stroll the marketplace.

According

to

Canefios,

the

cholos

invite the

cholas

to the

tuta kashwa

by

standing

near their

houses

in

the

evening

and

playing

a llamada

(call

or

signal)

on their

charangos. Significantly,

the

tune

of

the tuta kashwa

is

used as the

signal.

The

melody

of

the tuta kashwa

is

also

played

as the

group,

now

assembled,

walks to

the

traditional

kashwapata.

Once

the

group

arrives at the

kashwapata

the dance

begins.

The

step

is

the same as

that described for the

punchay

kashwa,

as are

the

style

of

vocal

performance

and

the

type

of texts

used.

Note

also

that,

as

in

the

song for the punchaykashwa, the complete melodic phrase of the tuta

kashwa is six

beats

long

and

corresponds

with one

cycle

of the dance

step.

In

contrast with the

punchay

kashwa,

however,

here

the

women form

a

circle while

holding

hands,

and

the

charango-playing

men dance around

the

outside

of

the circle

and

tease and flirt with their

"partners."

Then,

as

if

wishing

to

elude the

men,

the circle of

dancing

females breaks

into

a

line,

and

they

move off to another

place

to re-form the

circle,

and the

process

begins again.6

As the

party progresses,

some of the

couples

may slip away

into the

night to make love. Like the aggressive style of verbal love-making re-

flected

in

the kashwa

texts,

actual

lovemaking

(as

it was described

to

me)

among

campesinos

s a

rough

and

tumble

affair in

which

the man

is the

aggressor

who

battles to

have his

way

with the

girl.7

The

rough

nature

of

campesino

romance is

widely spoken

of,

and

it is

referred to

in

popular

sayings

such

as,

"The

more

he

hits

me,

the more he

loves me."

After

the

couples rejoin

the

party,

toward

dawn,

as the kashwa

comes

to

an

end,

a

despedida

farewell)

is

sung, again

accompanied

by charango:

Hakuna hakuna

ripukapusun-

chis

Tayta

mamanchisme

watuku-

wasunchis

Aman

taytayman

willaykun-

kichis

Aman

mamaymanwillaykun-

kichis

Maypitaq

waway

nispa

niq-

tinqa

Una kanchapinvelasianninkin

Arariwan velasian

ninki

We

go,

we

go,

now we are

going.

Our mothers

and fathers are

going

to ask where we are.

Do not tell

my

father

Do

not tell

my

mother

If

they

ask,

Where is

my

daughter?

Tell them I am taking care of

the

sheep.

Tell

them

that

the

keeper

of

the fields

is

out

caring

for

the

crops.








^^

-

rm

le

-

___

o

Of'^ dancers 0

0

0/ 0^ro

female

0

Tancers

a

00 0On

Figure

4








94 :

Thomas Turino

This

text

is

particularly

interesting.

First,

it

gives

us

a

clue into the

general

societal attitudes

regarding

the

tuta kashwa

activity, society being

represented

here

by

the

parents.

The

chola's almost

comically

feeble ex-

planation

of

where

she has

been

all

night

indicates that

there

is a

gen-

eral,

unspoken acceptance

of that which

is

going

on,

although

some

type

of

pretense may

still

be

required.

The

song

also

marks,

or

keys,

the

end

of

the tuta kashwa frame. From

the

text itself we

can

see that the

song

serves as a transition out

of

the

very

special

situation

of

the

night

dance

back to the

mundane

world of

parents

and

chores. The

tuta kashwa is a

special

type

of

event

that

allows for certain

types

of

behavior,

including

sexual

activity.

It

is the culmination of

the

courting process, which,

as

I

have

tried to show

here,

has

a

definite structure

that,

like

the

tuta kashwa

itself,

is

socially

sanctioned,

since it leads

to

marriage

or

sirvinakuy.

It

is

fitting

that

music

(the despedida)

should

key

the

end of

the

tuta

kashwa,

since it

was

the

performance

of

the

tuta

kashwa

melody

on cha-

rango

that

marked the

beginning

of

the

event,

in

the

llamada,

and

keyed

the

whole

courting process

in

the first

place

during

the

village

markets.

As a

special

type

of structured

activity,

the

courting

events must

some-

how

be

framed,

that

is,

set

apart

from

everyday activity,

and be iden-

tified

publicly

as

the

"courting

frame,"

in

which

a

specific

set of

rules

is

in

operation (see

Abrahams

1977;

Bauman

1977;

Bateson

1972;

Goffman

1974;

Turino

1982).

Special

clothing

and

charango

decorations

are used

to

key

the

courting activity during

the

village

markets and

fiestas. More

importantly,

however,

through

an

indexical

relationship

(consistent

cultural

association),

charango

playing,

and

specifically

the

performance

of the

tuta

kashwa

melody,

signal

that the

courting process

is

indeed under

way.

Thus at

all

stages

of

the

courting cycle, charango

performance

plays

a

central role

in

establishing

and

maintaining

the

special

frame

that

makes the

amorous activities

possible.

I

have

already

noted that

charango

playing

also serves

as

an

important

mode of

non-verbal

communication

between

the

separate

male

and

female

spheres.

The


of the

tuta

kashwa

melody

during

the

markets,

in

the

llamada,

as well as

during

the dance itself

serves as

an

index that

has

as its referent

courting

and consummation.

That

is,

the

performance

of the

tuta kashwa

melody

foreshadows the

culmination

of the

courting

process by

calling

to mind the activities that

are associated with the

night

dance.

Furthermore,

since the

sight

of

a

young

campesino

with a

charango

in his hands is so

strongly

associated

with

courting,

the

very

act of

carrying

the instrument

signals

that

the

boy

has

entered

the sexual

arena.

In

this

case,

the

physical presence

of

the

charango

serves as an

index for

courtship.

So

pervasive

are

the

asso-








96

: Thomas

Turino

Part

2

La Sirena

The wealth of

legends

and

magical

practices surrounding

the

charango

reflect the

dominant

cultural

attitudes

toward

this instrument.

Magical

rites

are

performed

mainly

to

enhance

the

charango's power

over

women.

For

example,

the

campesinos

n Chumbivilcus

(the

province

next to

Canas)

cut off

the head

and

tail

of

a

snake

and

place

them

inside the sound box

of their

charangos.

They

believe

this

heightens

the

instrument's

power

to

captivate

or

enchant women

(E.

Saldivar,

Chumbivilcus,

personal

com-

munication,

23

August 1981).

In

Acora,

Puno,

campesinos

ake a hair of

their

lady

love and

twist

it with

a

piece

of their own

hair,

after

which

they

tie three knots

in

the twisted

hair and

place

it

in

the sound

box of

the

charango.

The

campesinos

believe

that,

if

you

then

play

the

instru-

ment at

midnight,

"it

will make the

girl

cry

out for the

love

of

you"

(J.

Catacora,

Acora, Puno,

personal

communication,

4

February

1982).

In

both of these

cases,

the

charango

is the

physical

medium

through

which

the

magical

power

is created

and

operates.

The vast

majority

of

magic performed

and

legends

told

regarding

the

charango,

however,

involve the

figure

of the sirena

(see

sample

in

Appen-

dix

1).

Almost

every

town

I

visited

has its own

sirena

living

in a

nearby

spring,

river, lake,

or

waterfall.

Typically,

she was

described as

being

a

beautiful

woman with

a fish

tail,

who

is associated

with music

and se-

duction.

The

sirena

is so

important

to

string

musicians that

one

man

noted:

"Some

people

believe that

sirenas

are the

source of

all music and

that,

if

a certain town

does not

have a

sirena,

then

there

will

be no

music

in

that town"

(see

Appendix

1,

no.

4).

This comment

is

particularly

curious,

because the sirena

is never associated

with

wind

or

percussion

instruments native to

preconquest

Peru,

but

rather,

only

with

stringed

instruments

of

European

or colonial

origin

(see

Appendix

2

for historical

information on the

Andean

sirena).

The

strict

association

of the sirenawith

stringed

instruments

appears

to

be

original

for Latin

America,

from the

colonial

period,

since there

has

never been such

a consistent association

of

strings

with the

European

mermaid,

nor

did

stringed

instruments

exist

in

Peru before the

Spanish

conquest.

When the

indigenous

Peruvians first encountered

stringed

in-

struments,

certain

aspects

must

have seemed

truly

wondrous,

such as the

instruments' power to sustain a sound for a relatively long time after be-

ing

plucked

or strummed.

Other

elements,

such as the

instruments'

need

for constant

tuning,

must have

posed

certain

problems.

It is

interesting

that

in

contemporary

sirena stories

and

rites,

musicians turn

to the

sirena

as

a

supernatural

aid in

tuning

their instruments

(see

Appendix

1,

nos.








The

Charango

and the

Sirena

:

97

2, 4, 10,

11,

15,

16).

Furthermore,

a

supernatural explanation,

the

sirena,

may

have been

sought

in

the colonial

period

to

help

explain

the

long,

sustaining quality of strings, as is

suggested

by comments made by

a

contemporary charango

player

(see

Appendix

1,

no.

4).

Since the

in-

novation of

stringed

instruments

and

the Greco-Roman mermaid were

introduced into the

Andes

simultaneously during

the colonial

period,

the two

may

have become associated in the minds of the

indigenous peo-

ple.

This

process

would

have

been facilitated

by

the

preassociation

of

mermaids with

music,

and a

syncretization

of

pre-Columbian

water

spirits

with the

sirena

(see

Appendix

2).

Among contemporary

campesino

musicians,

the

sirenais

seen as a

source

of supernatural power who can aid them in their musical and courting

endeavors.

The

musician

can

partake

of the

sirena's

power

to seduce with

music

by

several

diverse

means.

Particularly

interesting

is a rite that is

commonly performed

when a

boy

buys

a new

charango.

This

activity

takes

place

at

night,

and

some

say

that

a full

moon

is

necessary.

The

young

campesino,

in

the

company

of his

friends,

takes his new

acquisition

to the

place

of the

sirena.

Frequently

the

instrument is

placed

in

a

manta

(a

square

piece

of woven

cloth)

with

gifts

for the sirena

such as

coca,

chunu

(a

type

of dried

potato),

little ornamental

figures,

coins, alcohol,

and the like.8 The boys leave the charango and the gifts with the sirena

overnight

and then

go

away

so

that

they

will

not

come

in

contact with

her.

They

return

in

the

morning

to fetch

the

instrument, which,

during

the

night,

is

supposed

to

have been

tuned and

played by

the sirena.

The

most

commonly

cited

results of this ritual are

that

(1)

the

instrument

will

be

perfectly

tuned,

(2)

it

will

have a

more

beautiful

voice,

and

(3)

the in-

strument

will

have more

power

to

conquer

the cholas

(see

Appendix

1,

nos.

2, 4, 8, 10,

11,

14,

15,

16).

Since,

in

Canas,

the

charango

is so

closely

associated with the

court-

ing cycle, the purchasing of a charango and the performance of this rite

must

be

interpreted

as a

preparation

for

courting

activity.

The

nature

of

this ritual

and

its

position

at

the

beginning

of

the

courting

cycle

indicates

its

significance

as

a

kind

of sanctification or initiation rite

in

which

the

charango

itself

is

readied for its

task. This is

particularly

evident,

since

the instrument

is

taken

to

the

sirena

precisely

to

improve

its

"voice" and

to increase its

power

to

attract

girls.

This

activity parallels

other sancti-

fication rituals

in

which

musical

instruments

are

prepared

for their

roles

in

sacred or

special

activity.

Another such

example

is the

sanctification

of the drums used in Candomble cult centers in Brazil (Herskovits 1944;

Behague

1975).

The musician can

partake

of the sirena's

power only

through

the me-

dium of

his

charango,

for

if

during

this

ritual,

or at

any

other

time,

the

musician comes into direct

contact

with the

sirena, madness,

his own








98

:

Thomas

Turino

seduction and

ruin,

or

some

physical

harm

will

befall him

(see

Appendix

1,

nos.

3,

8, 9,

12, 14,

15).

For

example, Julio

Catacora notes:

Once

I

went with

a

group

of

boys

to the home of

a sirena

near

Acora to

perform

a

ceremony

for a

new

charango. They

put

the

charango,

with

coca

and

alcohol

near the

spring,

then we

walked

off some

distance.

We

were all

drinking.

It

was

about

midnight

with

a full

moon.

My

friends

began

to

say

that

they

were

hearing

the

sirena

uning

the

charango.

I

my-

self

did not hear it. Then

they

all

began shouting

and

screaming

to cover

up

the

sirena's

music,

for

if

we had heard

it

we would all have

gone

mad.

(Appendix

1,

no.

14)

Thus,

although

the

sirena

is viewed

as

a

source of aid

in

musical activ-

ity during courtship,

she herself

is

considered

dangerous.

In

other

in-

stances,

the

sirena

is

actually

associated

with the devil

(see

Appendix

1,

nos.

5,

9).

She

is therefore

an

ambiguous

figure

who can

vacillate be-

tween

her

positive

and

negative aspects,

and

a

positive

relationship

can

be established with

her

only indirectly, through

the

medium

of one's

charango.

Another

means of

partaking

of

the

sirena's

positive power,

that

is,

the

power

to

attract with

music,

is the use of

a

"charango

en

sirena"

(see

Appendix

3

for

information

about

this

charango variant).

This

is

a

type

of

charango

in which the instrument's sound box is constructed to re-

semble

the mermaid's

form,

including

a female head and a

fish tail

(see

photo 3).

As Benavente notes

(Appendix

1,

no.

1),

using

the actual

form

of the

sirena for the instrument's sound box is believed to

invest

the

in-

strument

with

a

"supernatural

voice,

which is

better for

winning

the

cholas.

"

In

addition

to

the

personification

of

the

charango

built

in

sirena

form,

we

may

also

interpret

the

constant

use of the term voz

(voice)

to refer to

the instrument's

sound as

a

type

of

personification.

The term

voz

may

be

significant

in that the sirenais associated with

singing,

and interest-

ingly enough,

the term

voz is used

only

in

reference to

stringed

instru-

ments

(just

as the

sirena

is

associated

only

with

strings)

but

never in rela-

tion

to

the

sound of winds or

percussion.

Another identification

of the

sound

of the

charango

with

the

sirena is

suggested by

the

fact

that

in cer-

tain

regions

of Cusco and Puno

the

E

minor

tuning

is referred to as

the

tuning

of the sirena.9

The

relationship

between

the

charanguista

and

the

sirena,

and

the

way

in which the musician

partakes

of

the

mermaid's

power through

the

medium of his charango is based on processes that S. J. Tambiah

(1979:

356)

has

called

"persuasive"

or "evocative"

analogy.

Stated

briefly,

Tambiah

distinguishes

between

science

and

magic

(ritual)

in

the

types

of

analogy

used.

In

science,

analogy

is

predictive

and

based

on causal

rela-

tionships

and actual

similarities between the entities

compared.

In

magic








The

Charango

and

the Sirena : 99

Photo 3. Instrument

makerwith

his

"charango

en

sirena,

"

Sicuani,

Canchis

(Cusco) (Photo:

author).

and

ritual,

analogy

is used

to

evoke

(rather

than

predict)

a

desired

end,

and

relationships

of

co-occurrence or association

replace

the causal

basis.

For

example,

the

sirena

through

the

power

of

music,

has

the

ability

to at-

tract or seduce. The

ypung

musician

(or

the

bohemio)embarking

on

his

courtship

career also wants to

gain

a

similar

ability

through

the

power

of

music. Thus

by associating

himself with

the

sirena

through

the

charango

initiation

(sanctification)

ritual,

and

through

the medium of the

charango

itself,

the musician becomes ike the sirena in his

power

to attract and seduce.

In

this

ritual the

analogy

is

particularly

direct

(resembling

Frazer's con-

tagious magic,

1944:12)

in that

the

charango

is believed

to

be

perfectly

tuned

and

to have

a

better voice because the sirena

actually

tunes

and

plays

it.

l_ir : :

'B








100 :

Thomas Turino

Charango

Ritual

Sirena

Campesino

with

charango

has

(gains)

Ritual

that

establishes the

analogy by

using

the medium

of the

charango

The

power

of music

The Power of

music

(to) (to)

V

v

Attract

or seduce

Attract or seduce

Other means of establishing the relationship with the sirenaand par-

taking

of

her

powers

through

evocative

analogy

are found

in

the use of

the

"charango

en sirena."

Unlike

the

typical

case of

homeopathic

or

im-

itative

magic

(Frazer

1944:12),

which

results

in "the

influencing

[of]

certain

objects by manipulating

other

objects

which resemble them"

(Tambiah

1979:356),

however,

here the musician

wishes to affect the

secondary entity

(the

charango) by

imitating

the

visual

image

of the

primary entity

(the

sirena).

Contrasting

with

voodoo

practices,

for

exam-

ple,

in

which a doll

is created

as

an imitation of

a

person

and then

ma-

nipulated to affect the real person, the charango en sirena uses the imi-

tation of

a

visual

image

to evoke

an

analogy

that

affects the

charango

itself.

Interestingly enough,

in

Southern

Peru,

a visual

representation

is

used to

create

an

auditory similarity

by

means of the

power

of

analogy.

Sirena

(looks

like)

-Charango

en sirena

-Thus

it-

Beautiful voicc -(sounds like) oBeautiful voice

-Thus

it-

Power

to

attract- (acts

like)

-Power

to attract








The

Charango

and

the

Sirena

: 101

That

is,

the

charango

is made to look

like

the

sirena

so that it

will

sound

like

the

sirena,

and

her

power

is

thus

placed

at the

disposal

of the musi-

cian.

Conclusion

In

the

previous

discussion

of the uses and functions of

charango

and the

societal attitudes

regarding

these,

I

noted

that


is

viewed

positively

in

the

courting

context

among young

campesinos,

and

negatively

in

regard

to bohemio

activities. These attitudes

are

clearly

re-

flected and reinforced in the sirenastories discussed above (and found in

Appendix

1).

First,

the sirena's role

in the

charango

initiation ritual is

clearly positive

and hence

supports

the

societal

attitudes

in

sanctioning

the use

of

charango

for

legitimate

courting

activities.

In

the

story

of

the

"Saqra

charango" (devil charango,

Appendix

1,

no.

3),

the

sirena's

role

once

again

reflects cultural values

in

regard

to

charango

use:

she

puts

an

end

to

a bohemio'swicked

ways by destroying

his

tool of

seduction,

the

charango.

Note

the

inversion

present

here:

in

the

charango

rituals,

the

sirena

prepares

the instrument

for

courting by

putting

it

in

perfect

tune,

whereas, in the

Saqra

charango

story,

she ruins it

by making

it untunable.

In

most

cases, however,

the sirenaherself has

an

ambiguous identity,

which includes

her

potential

for

positive

aid,

her own

beauty,

and

the

beauty

of her music.

At

the same

time,

she is viewed as a

dangerous

power,

a

force for

destructive

seduction,

and

sometimes

she

is associated

directly

with

evil.

Finally,

then,

the dualistic

nature

of the

sirena

becomes

an

analogy

for the

charango

itself

in

its

positive

(courting)

and

negative

(bohemio)

contexts of use.

The

charango's potent power

in

courtship

and

amorous activities has

been explained in regard to the instrument's keying functions and index-

ical

significance

in

these

contexts. At

another

level,

the

charango

is

vested with

magical power through

the

process

of

evocative

analogy

with

the

sirena. There is

an

interesting

parallel

in the musician's use

of the

charango

in

his

relationship

with

the

sirena,

and

in

his

relationship

with

the

chola

during courtship.

The female

world

of

the

sirena

remains

sepa-

rate from that of

the

musician,

and

the

charango

is

the

only

safe

medium

by

which he

can

contact her.

Likewise,

in

campesino

courtship

the

charango

(and

the

performance

of

music)

is the

only

safe,

nonver-

bal, nondirect, hence nonthreatening, bridge by which the campesino

can

contact the chola.

The

separation

of the male

and

female

spheres

is

apparent throughout

the

courting cycle,

and

is dramatized

by

the chore-

ography

of

the

punchay

and tuta

kashwas.

In these

dances,

vocal

perfor-

mance is

used

by

the

sexes

to

communicate,

and

the

music

performed








102

: Thomas

Turino

on

charango

serves as

the essential

medium

for

interaction

(song

and

dance)

between

them. The

performance

of

the

tuta

kashwa

melody

during

the

village

markets and for the llamada serves as an index and

directly

communicates the

intentions and

desires

of the

musician.

Finally,

the

very

act

of

carrying

a

charango

serves as

an

index

for

courtship.

Hence,

the

charango

is

used as

both

an

intermediary

and

as the

means

of com-

munication

between the

separate

male

and

female

spheres,

and

therefore

is

essential in

uniting

them.

Perhaps

the best

summary

of these

multileveled

relationships

is

to

be

found in

the

song "Serenitay"

(Appendix

1,

no.

17),

in

which

the

singer

himself

makes the final

important

analogy:

that between

the sirena

and

his own beloved. In this

song

his fear

(

-

)

of her is

juxtaposed

with his

desire

(

+

)

to

participate

in

the tuta

kashwa

with her

(i.e.,

make love:

"Let us

go

walking

/

Let us

go

strolling

/ Behind

that

hill,

sister").

Also,

the

image

of the

"portrait

of the

devil"

(

-)

is

juxtaposed

with

that of the

delicate,

nocturnal

butterfly

( +).

This

song,

then,

is filled

with

ambiguities

and

the

dualities of fear and

attraction,

danger

(evil)

and

beauty

(good).

These same

dualities

characterize

the

image

of

the

sirena,

the cultural

attitudes

regarding

the

charango,

and

finally,

young

love itself.

Just

as the sirena

is

beautiful,

seductive,

and

dangerous,

so is

the chola, and the

young

campesino

uses music and his

charango

as a

means

of

communication

and

as a

mediator

in

the

anxiety-provoking

ex-

perience

of

courtship

and

lovemaking.

Appendix

1:

Interviews,

Stories,

and

Songs

about the

Sirena

The

following

statements came

forth

during

informal

conversations

and

formal

interviews

(in

Spanish)

with

the

author,

who is

responsible

for

their

translation.

No.

1.

Julio

Benavente

Diaz,

Huarocondo, Cusco,

7/9/81,

age

69,

mestizo

charanguista.

Q:

Why

are

charangos

made in

the

shape

of sirenas?

A:

This

type

of

charango

is

used

by campesinos

and is associated

with

a

series of

legends.

The

added

section on the

sound

box is believed

to

give

supernatural

power

to the

instrument,

the

power

of the sirena. The added

sound

hole on the

sirena's

tail

gives

the

instrument

a

supernatural

voice,

which

is

better

for

winning

the cholas.








The

Charango

and

the Sirena

:

103

No. 2.

Eighty-year-old

campesino

bandurria

player,

Huarocondo,

Cusco,

7/19/81.

Near the

village

[Huarocondo]

there

is a

spring.

People

say

that

a sirena

lives

in

this

spring.

Musicians

used to leave their

bandurrias,

charangos,

and

mandolins

by

the

spring

overnight

with

the

belief

that,

when

they

came back for

them

in

the

morning,

they

would be

perfectly

tuned

and

that

they

would have

a

better,

purer

voice.

No.

3.

Ernesto

Valdez, Tinta,

Cusco,

7/28/81,

late

thirties,

mestizo

cha-

ranguista.

"El

Saqra

Charango"

(The

Devil

Charango)

(story

from

Sicuani,

Cusco).

Some time

ago

there

was

a

charanguista

who

was

married,

but his main

reason for

playing

the

charango

was to seduce

campesinas.

He used

to

take his

charango

out each

night

to seduce the

girls.

One

night

as he

was

about

to

cross

a

bridge

over the

Vilcanota River

he was

stricken

by

fear,

so

he

started

to

play

his

charango.

He

was

walking

across

the

bridge,

playing

as

he

went, when,

all

of

a

sudden,

incredibly

beautiful sounds

started

coming

out of his

charango,

as

if

he himself were not

playing

it.

At

that moment

he

became

dizzy

and

passed

out. Some

hours later

he

woke

up, picked

up

his

charango,

and went

off

to the

cantina

where

his

friends were to tell them

what

had

happened. They

asked

him to

play

his

charango-to

demonstrate the

beautiful sound he had described.

But

when

he

tried

to

tune

the instrument before

starting,

he found

that,

no

matter

how

he

tried,

he could

not

tune

it. He became so

angry

that

he

threw the

charango

on the

floor in an

effort to

smash

it,

but it would not

break. After

this,

he

just hung up

his

charango

on the

wall

and was

never able to

tune

it

or

play

it

again.

After

this,

the

man was nicknamed

"Saqra

charango" throughout

the

region.

No.

4.

Julio

Benavente,

8/1/81.

Sirena

instruments

were used

in

Huarocondo

[in

the

1920s]

but

only

"bandurrias

en

sirena;"

"charangos

en sirena" came later. When

I

was

a

boy,

my

friend

Manuel used to

say

that

all

you

had to do was

put

the

charango

near the

spring

where the sirenalived

and

it would be

perfectly

tuned and

capable

of

creating

beautiful

music. After

a

stringed

instru-

ment is

affected

by

a

sirena all

you

have

to

do

is

strike

the

strings

once

and it

produces

beautiful

music

almost

by

itself.

Some

people

believe

that

sirenas

are

the

source of

all

music and that

if a

certain town doesn't

have a

sirena

then

there will be no music

in

that town.

[Tapping my








104 :

Thomas Turino

charango

en sirena

and

then

setting

it

on a

table to

let it

ring, Julio

said

jokingly]

Ah,

you

see?

She

is there

[inside

the sound

box].

You see how

long

it

sounds?

If

a

campesino

were here he would

say

that

there

is def-

initely

a

sirena

here

No.

5.

J. Tapara Champi,

from

Yanoaca, Canas,

93-year-old

campesino

charanguista.

Interview

took

place

outside the

city

of

Cusco,

where

he

now

lives,

8/14/81.

Q:

Is

there

a sirena

near here

[the

ruins

of K'enko above the

city

of

Cusco]?

A:

Yes,

there

is

one

living

in a

river near here. It is the devil.

No.

6.

An

interview with

two

teenage boys

in

the

city

of

Cusco

8/22/81.

Q:

Does

a

sirena

live around here

[near

K'enko]?

A:

[The

two

boys

denied

any

such

knowledge

for some time. Later

in

the conversation one of them

said]

A

sirena

lives

in

a

hole below

Saqsa-

huaman,

which is called

saqrachayoc

place

of the

devil).

She is heard

singing only

on

nights

of

the

full

moon.

Q:

Have

you

heard her

sing?

A:

[One

of the

boys

who lived

near

the

sirena's home

answered]

Yes.

Many

of the

people

in

my

neighborhood

have

heard

her.

Q:

Does

she

play

an

instrument?

A:

I

have heard her

play

charango.

Q:

How

did

you

know it

was

a

charango?

A: It sounded

like a

charango;

I

recognized

its sound.

No.

7.

David

Villasante,

Paucartambo,

Cusco,

10/15/81,

mestizo accor-

dion

player

in

his

mid-eighties.

When

I

was

about

twenty-four, people

in

the town

[of

Paucartambo]

began

telling

stories about

a sirena

who

lived

beneath

the famous colonial

bridge

Carlos III.

People

told these stories about the

sirena

singing

beneath

the

bridge

for about

thirty years.

It

was

the

townspeople,

not

the

campesinos,

who told

these

stories.

The

people

in

Paucartambo

made

up

a

song

about the

sirena,

but

I

don't

remember it. It

was called "Can-

to

de

la

sirena." The

people thought

that

the

sirenawas

a

temptress.

Later there was a

young

bohemionamed Luis Valencia who lived at the

foot of

the

bridge

and was

known

for his

singing

and his

parties.

After

some

time,

someone

in

Paucartambo made

up

a

last verse to

the "can-

to

de

la

sirena,"

which said

[translating

from

Quechua]:








The

Charango

and

the

Sirena

: 105

The

sirenawas

a beautiful woman

With

a wonderful voice.

She was an enchantress.

But it wasn't the

sirena,

Oh no it

was

that

youth,

Luis Valencia

No. 8.

A

middle-aged

mestiza

shopkeeper,

Combapata,

Cusco,

10/20/81.

No,

the

sirena

[of

Combapata]

does not live in

the Vilcanota River. She

lives

in

the

springs

that

feed

the

chacras

(agricultural

fields).

The

musi-

cians from here take their instruments to her overnight between 10:00

p.m.

and 4:00

a.m. to

improve

the

voice

of

the

instrument.

Once there

was a

girl

here,

known

for

her

singing.

The

musicians of

the town were

always

telling

her to visit

the

sirena,

for it would

improve

her

singing

voice.

One

night, following

the advice of

the

musicians,

she

went off to visit the sirena.

When she came back

the

next

morning,

she

had

lost her

mind,

she was

crazy,

and

she

is still like

that.

Now

she

can-

not work

or

study

or

do

anything.

No. 9. F. Paniagua, Pomata, Puno, 11/15/81, mestizo charanguista.

Sirenas live

in

the lake

[Titicaca]

and

they

come out at

certain times

to

entice the

young

men.

Once,

a

young

man from

Pomata met

a

beautiful

girl

in

the

plaza.

He

was

very

drunk

at the time. She

led him to a

beau-

tiful

salon,

it was like a

palace.

When

they

arrived she told him

that

she

wanted

to

change

her

clothes but

that

she would

return

quickly.

He

fell

asleep

in

her absence.

When

he

awoke

he

found

himself in

the water

on

the shore of the lake

being

beaten

by

the

waves.

The

sirena

had taken

him to an enchanted place.

No. 10.

Paniagua,

11/15/81.

When a mozo

[a

young peasant boy] buys

a

charango

he will

perform

a

certain

ceremony

for it. He

takes

the

charango

and

places

it in a

manta

(a

square piece

of

cloth)

called

inkuia.

Then he

puts

coca,

sweets,

the

fetus of

animals,

and

small

figurines

on the

manta

with his

charango,

which,

being

new,

is

of course

totally

out of tune.

He sets

off with

this

bundle and a bottle of alcohol. When he has reached a solitary place he

leaves

the

bundle

for

several hours.

Upon

return,

the

mozo

finds

that

his

charango

is

perfectly

tuned

and that it has

a

magnificent

voice.

[Paniagua

implies

that the

boy

takes the

ritual bundle off

to

a

solitary

place

and

drinks

the

alcohol while

waiting

for

the

transformation to

take








106 :

Thomas

Turino

place,

some distance

from the

spot.

Furthermore,

although

he

does not

mention

the

sirena in

this

story,

he

told

it to me

in

response

to

a

question

about the sirena.]

No. 11. Luis

Quispe,

Yanaoca, Canas,

Cusco, 12/6/81,

campesino

cha-

ranguista,

82

years

old.

Near

Yanaoca,

sirenas

do not

live in

the

lake,

they

live in rivers where

the

water runs

fast.

There is an old

custom:

people

take

a new

charango,

with

a

new sol

[coin]

of

silver,

and

the

tongue

of

a snake

to

a

place

where

the sirenais believed to

live. Then

these

things

are

hung

over

the

place

in the river where the sirena lives. And when one retrieves the

charango

it is

supposed

to

be

exactly

in

tune. But

I

do

not

believe these

stories.

I

think

that

when

the

charango

is

retrieved,

it

is

tuned

exactly

as

the owner

left it.

No.

12.

Luis

Quispe

12/8/81.

Once

when

I

was at

home,

and

I

was a

little

drunk,

I

went outside to

urinate.

While

outside,

I

had a

vision.

I saw a

beautiful,

green,

wide

pampa

[plain]

and two men

walking

across it toward me. I knew the two

men,

and it all seemed

real.

I

did not understand what

I

had

seen,

but

I

connected

this

experience

with stories

I

have heard about the sirena com-

ing

to

take

away

musicians who

play particularly

beautifully.

But

I

do

not think that

this is

the

answer,

because

the

sirena

usually

comes to

musicians

in

dreams,

and

I

was awake

[he

did

not

elaborate on the con-

nection between the

men whom he saw and

the

sirena].

No. 13.

Thomas

Turino, 2/3/82,

(the

following experience

took

place

on

the shores of Lake Titicaca near the

city

of

Puno).

I

was

sitting

by

Lake

Titicaca

composing

a

new

wayno.

When

I

finished

the

song

I

played

it

over

and

over for

quite

some time

so

that

I

would

not

forget

it.

After

I

had

finished

playing,

I

held

my

charango

on

my lap

looking

out

over

the water.

Just

then,

I

began

to hear a

very

beautiful

sound

coming

from

my

charango.

It

was soft but

very

clear,

thick

with

overtones,

like a

celestial

tonic,

which

gradually

shifted to the

fifth and

then back

again.

I

listened

to

the

charango

for some

time,

oc-

casionally bringing it close to my ear to hear it better. The wind was

blowing very

hard off

the

lake,

and

I

immediately

assumed that the

wind

in

the

strings

was

creating

the sound. On the

way

back to town

I

began

thinking

that this must

be an

explanation

for

all

of the

sirena

stories

in

which

stringed

instruments

are

said

to

play by

themselves. Once back

at








108 :

Thomas

Turino

Serenitay

erenitay

serenitay erenitay

tuta

purikuqtiy

mancharichiwan

nisiawanki

tuta

purikuqtiy

nisiawanki

Tuta

purikuqtiy

yana taparaku

tuta

purikuqtiy

yana taparaku

mancharichiwankimantaq

supaypa

retraton


supaypa

retraton

hakucho

puriramusiasun

hakucho

pasearamusiasun

Haqay lomaq qhepachanta anachay

Mancharichiwankimantaq

serenitay


serenitay

tuta

purikuq taparakito

supaypa

retraton

tuta

purikuq taparakito

supaypa

retraton

supayparetraton

My

sirena,

my

sirena

My

sirena,

my

sirena,

When I walk out in the

night,

You make

me

afraid,

You are

speaking

to

me,

When

I

walk

out

in

the

night,

You

are

speaking

to me.

When

I

walk

out

in

the

night-

Butterfly

nocturnal,

When

I

walk

out

in

the

night-

Butterfly nocturnal.

Be

careful,

you

cause fear-

Portrait

of

the

devil,

Be

careful,

you

cause terror-

Portrait of the

devil.

Let

us

go

walking,

Let us

go strolling,

Behind that

hill,

sister.

Be

careful,

you

cause fear-

My

sirena,

Be

careful,

you

cause terror-

My

sirena,

Butterfly

that

goes

by

night,

Portrait

of the

devil,

Butterfly

that

goes by

night,

Portrait

of the

devil,

Portrait of the devil.

Appendix

2:

Background

Information about the

Andean

Sirena

In

addition to the

prominence

of

the

sirena in

legends

and

magical prac-

tices

connected

with the

southern

Peruvian

string

traditions,

she is

fea-

tured as an

important

motif

in

decorative colonial church art

throughout

southern Peru and in Bolivia

(a

region

that has as its center Lake Titi-

caca: see

photo

4).

It

is

in the latter context that the motif has

received

the most

attention

from

scholars.

For

our

present

purposes,

however

(i.e.,

to

explain

the wide diffusion and

importance

of

the

sirena

among

string

musicians),

we

must

consider

the sirena as a

motif

in

colonial art








The

Charango

and the

Sirena : 109

Photo

4.

Sirena

with

charango.

On the

acade

of

the

Puno

Cathedral,

completed

1755

(Photo. author).

as well as in the musical

lore

for

several reasons.

First,

the Greco-Roman

image

of the mermaid

was

obviously

introduced into

the

Andes as an

art

motif.

Second,

and

more

significant,

the

importance

of

the

sirena

both as

a motif in colonial art and in musical lore

probably

has a similar under-

lying

syncretistic

basis.

The

well-known

ancient

European

mermaid

figure

in

the

typical

Greco-

Roman form

that she assumes

in

Andean art

(see

photo

4)

has

led

scholars to assume a

purely European origin

for this

motif

in

the

Andes








110 :

Thomas

Turino

(Luks

1979:109-114;

Rowe

1961:317).

There

are a

number of

problems

with

this

conclusion.

Consider,

for

example,

that

sirenas

are

much more

abundant in Andean colonial church art than in the

European

art of the

same

period

and function. This indicates

that

the Andean artists

opted

for this motif

more often than did

their

European

counterparts.

Note

also

that

the

sirena

appears

in

Andean

church

art in the same

locations

(for

example,

on

the

facade above the cathedral

door)

where

angels

would

typically

be

featured in

Europe.

Furthermore,

50

percent

of the

thirty-two

sirena

pairs

that

I

surveyed

in Andean

church art

held

stringed

instruments,

and those

that

did not most

frequently

were shield bearers.

Therefore,

we

find

the

Andean

sirena

in

roles

usually

filled

by

angels

in

European

church art of the same

period

(i.e.,

as shield bearers or musi-

cians

in

the

"angel

band").

This

suggests

that

the

sirena

was

being

used

as a

substitute

for the

angel

motif

by

a number of Andean artists.

We

cannot look to

a

European

source to

explain

this

phenomenon,

since

nothing

similar occurred there.

Rather,

we must look

to traditional An-

dean culture to

explain why

Andean

artists

would

prefer

the

figure

of

the mermaid to

the more dominant

European angel

motif.

Harold

Wethey

(1971)

moves

in

the

right

direction

when he

classifies

the motif of the

Andean sirena

as

typical

of "mestizo art"

and

thus

sug-

gests,

at least, that the motif is a

product

of

syncretism

on some level.

He

is

inaccurate,

however,

in

indicating

that

all

of the musical

sirenas are

playing charangos.

Rather,

the

majority

of them

play

vihuela or

guitar-

sized

instruments,

and

therefore the

presence

of

a

"charango"

cannot be

used to

strengthen

the claim

that

the sirena is

a

mestizo

motif,

as

Wethey

intimates.

Taking

a view

more

radical

than

those

mentioned

above,

Gisbert

(1980:46-48)

argues

for

the

existence

of

a

pre-Hispanic

Andean mer-

maid tradition

in

the Lake

Titicaca

region.

She reasons that certain

European artistic motifs,

including

the sirena, flowered in the Andes

pre-

cisely

because there was a

preconquest

myth, legend,

or

idea

that matched

the

European

motif-thus

aiding

the

process

of

syncretism.

Although

I

agree

with

her

basic

premise,

I

find her

documentation

lacking.

Using

the

early

Andean

lexicographer

Bertonio

as her main

source,

Gisbert

cites the

following

evidence:

(1)

Bertonio

writes

that

"Quesintuu

and

Umantuu

are

two sisters with

whom

Tunupa

[a

pre-Columbian

die-

ty]

sinned";

(2)

Umantuu and

Quesintuu

are the names of

fish in

Lake

Titicaca;

(3)

therefore

(she concludes)

the two sisters were

women-fish

(or sirenas) that were temptresses causing Tunupa to sin and thus close-

ly

resembled the

European

mermaid.

Unfortunately,

in

his brief

descrip-

tion

of

Umantuu and

Quesintuu,

Bertonio mentions

nothing

about

Lake

Titicaca, mermaids,

fish

tails,

or even

fish.

Thus her

evidence,

although

suggestive,

is far

from

conclusive.








The

Charango

and the Sirena :

111

Although

they

do not

resemble the Greco-Roman mermaid

in

form,

we

do find

anthropomorphized

fish in

the textiles of the

early

coastal

culture of Paracas

(Sawyer

1961:296-297;

Baumann

1963:123).

Whereas

their existence

proves nothing

in

regard

to the later Inca sierra

culture,

these

figures

indicate

that the

idea

of

a

being-part

human and

part

fish

-did

exist in

pre-Columbian

Peru. Such an idea

could,

obviously,

be

amalgated easily

with

the

image

of the

European

sirena.

Regarding

the

sierra

culture of

the

Inca

period specifically,

we

know

that there were

a

number of

pre-Columbian

water

spirits

associated with

specific

lakes,

springs,

and rivers

(Guaman

Poma

1956,1:188);

and

Guaman

Poma de

Ayala

specifically

mentions the

great

huaca

(spirits

or

dieties associated with

places

or

objects

of

nature)

of Lake Titicaca. It is

easy

to

understand

how the Andean

people might

have

adopted

the

European representation

of

the mermaid

as a

logical

physical

representa-

tion

for their

traditional water

spirits.

Interestingly enough,

in an in-

digenous community

in

Pisac,

Cusco

(about

80

percent monolingual

Quechua

speakers),

the

people

still

speak

of

a

sirena

(using

the

Spanish

word)

who

is

a female

consort to

the

local

Apu

(mountain

spirit

or

diety).

It is said

that

the

Apu

calls

on the

sirena

to

entertain

him

with

her

sing-

ing (she

plays

no

instrument).

Why

the

people

should

use the

Spanish

term sirena for what

appears

to be

basically

an

indigenous

water

spirit

in

a

religious

context

that

is

primarily Quechua

remains a

mystery.

The

use

of

the

Spanish

term indicates

that

syncretism

on some level has

oc-

curred. The fact

that

she is

consort

to the

Apu

indicates

an

indigenous

base;

her musical

role remains

open

to

question.

A

hint

about

water

spirits

and

music, however,

may

be

found

in a

par-

ticularly

intriguing drawing by

Guaman

Poma

(writing

between 1587

and

1615;

1956,1:234;

also see

fig.

5)

entitled

[Inca]

"canciones

y

musi-

ca"

(songs

and

music).

Here we

have

a

picture

of

two

male

flute

players

overlooking a river. In the river, in a waterfall, sit two

enigmatic

women

who

are

naked

and

clearly depicted

as

singing.

Throughout

Guaman

Poma's work

very

little occurs

pictorially

without

intended

significance.

The

prominence

of the

river,

the

waterfall,

and

the

singing

female

figures may

indicate a

pre-Columbian

myth

or

legend

associating

water

spirits

(the

two

women)

with

singing

and music.

Significantly,

contem-

porary

sirenas are often said

to

live in

waterfalls or

in

the

fast-moving

parts

of rivers.

This

interpretation

would

help

us

explain

the contem-

porary

case in Pisac

mentioned

above.

In the European tradition, the figure of the mermaid, which originally

was

nonmusical,

was

blended

with the

image

of

the

very

seductive,

and

very

musical

siren

(originally depicted

as a

huge

bird with

a

human

head-Pollard

1965:137-144). Baring-Gould

(1901:494)

concludes that

the

pre-Homeric

mermaids

(mermen)

were

often solar

cult

dieties.

The








CAMCiOMES

MVIICA

k

VIPOJV

Cinca urco

queancalla

Pingollonapata

corro

Nombru

de

lugares

Uaca

punco

Puerta

de

Ia

H

uaca

Canciones

y

musica.

Figure

5.

"Cancionesy

Misica"

(Guaman

Poma

1956,1.234)

CANCIONES Y

MUSICA

ARAUI

PINCO-

LLO

-

UAN

CA

Canciones

populares

-

Pingollo

Ba le de las

chacras

Uiroy paccha

Ca;da

de

agua

Col,que

ma-

chaCuay

-

P'atJ

serpen.

tear, tt

Cantoc

uno.

-

O-ilia del

rio

Uatanay

mayo-

Rio de

Hua-

tanay








The

Charango

and

the

Sirena

: 113

merman in the

Greek

pantheon

was Triton. These

figures

were not

orig-

inally associated with music, whereas the pre-Homeric sirens (bird-human)

were

depicted

in

sculptures

from the sixth

century

B.C. with musical

in-

struments

and in musical contexts

(Pollard

1965:137).

The

Homeric

sirens were

strongly

associated with the seductive

power

of

song,

and

their

power

was

considered

particularly

dangerous

much like the

con-

temporary

Andean

sirena.

Mermaids feature

largely

in

European

folklore

(see

Thompson

1955,1:

370-372;

Baring-Gould

1901:504-523;

Carrington

1957:

chap.

1),

and

by

the

frequent

sightings

of them

by

mariners

during

the

sixteenth,

seven-

teenth, and eighteenth centuries spurred the actual belief in these beings.

In

many

of the

folklore

legends

and

stories

of

"actual"

sightings,

the

association

of

the

mermaid and

music

is

practically

nonexistent

(more

common

is

the

mermaid

with

her

mirror

and

comb).

Of central

impor-

tance

to

the

present paper,

however,

is

the

European

folkloric

tradition,

which fused

the

physical

image

of the mermaid

with the musical and

seductive

qualities

of

the siren. This

process

had

taken

place

by

the

Peruvian colonial

period,

and

in

the

Spanish

language

there is

only

the

single

term-sirena-which

is translated as

both

siren,

woman

who

sings

charmingly;

and

mermaid, sea-nymph (Velazquez

de la

Cadena

1973:

588;

Navarro

1965:142).

Because of

this

synthesis,

the

Spanish

mermaid became

closely

associat-

ed

with

music. If I am

correct

in

my interpretation

of Guaman

Poma's

drawing,

then there also

may

have

been

an

association of

pre-Columbian

Peruvian

water

spirits

with music.

Thus in

addition to

the

natural

syn-

thesis

of two

supernatural

figures,

both associated with

water,

the

possi-

bility

that

both also

had a

preassociation

with

music would have

greatly

influenced

syncretism.

Furthermore,

the latter

fact

would

adequately

ex-

plain

the sirena's

appeal

to Andean

musicians.

The

predominant

associa-

tion

of

the Andean sirenawith

stringed

instruments

specfically

(and

thus,

with

string musicians)

is

discussed on

pages

94 and 95

of this

paper.

The

blending

of

the

European "angel

band"

motif

and

the Andean

sirena,

already

discussed,

may

have been another

source for the

sirena/strings

association.

The

predominance

of

the

sirena

motif both

in

Andean

colonial art and

in

the musical lore

suggests

that

a

pre-Columbian mythical

or

religious

figure predisposed

the

indigenous

people

to the

rapid

and

widespread

ac-

ceptance

of the Greco-Roman mermaid.

I

have

suggested

several

possi-

bilities for

how the

syncretism

between

the mermaid and an

indigenous

water

spirit

might

have

occurred

following

Gisbert's basic

premise,

al-

though

I

have

rejected

the

specificity

of

her

case.

Further

research

is

needed

before

a

more definite

explanation

can

be

proposed.








114

: Thomas Turino

Appendix

3:

Notes on the

"Charango

en

Sirena"

In the

charango

en sirena variant of the instrument, the sound box is

constructed

in the

shape

of

a

mermaid

with a

female human head and

a

fish tail

(see

photo

3).

The sound box has a

flat,

wooden back and re-

sembles

typical charangos

in all

other

respects.

To

my

knowledge,

cha-

rangos

en sirena have

not been mentioned

previously

in

the literature.

For

example,

even the

recent

Mapa

de los

instrumentosmusicalesde uso

po-

pular

en

el

Pert,

which

has

seventeen

separate listings

for

charango-chillador

types

(Instituto

Nacional de Cultura

1978:136-141),

neglects

to

mention

this

interesting

variant. The reason is not

clear,

nor

is the

history

of

the

charango en sirena itself. Rather than

offering

any definitive conclusions

about

the

origin

and

background

of

this

charango type,

I

shall

merely

summarize

my

findings,

arrived at

through

observation

and

interviews

in

southern

Peru,

with the

understanding

that further research

is

necessary.

The

charango

en sirena

(as

well as

guitars

and

bandurrias

in sirena

form)

are said

to

have

existed at least

by

the

beginning

of

this

century.

Several residents from

the central

part

of

the

Department

of

Cusco

claimed

that

instruments

in sirena

form

(including

charangos,

bandurrias,

and

guitars)

were built

by

a maker

in

Urubamba

beginning

in

the

first

decade of the 1900s. Makers and musicians in the southern provinces of

Cusco

(Canas,

Espinar,

Canchis)

stated that

instruments

in sirena

form

were

made

in

their

region

around the

same

time.

The

contemporary

diffusion-area

of the

charango

en

sirena seems

to

be

centered

in the

Department

of

Cusco,

and

particularly

in

the

southern

provinces.

The

instrument

was and

is

produced

predominantly

by

rural instrument-makers

for

campesino

musicians,

although

in recent

years

urban

instrument-makers

in

the cities

of Cusco

and

Ayacucho

have

begun

to build

instruments

in sirena

form for

the tourist

market. It

should be stressed, however, that the playing of charangos en sirena is

not

particularly

common

in

normal

contexts

of

charango

use.

During

a

year

of research

in

southern

Peru,

I

saw

the

sirena

variant

used twice

by

campesinos

during

a

weekly

market in

Espinar,

and

by

one

campesino

musician from Canas who now lives

in

Cusco.

This fact seems inconsis-

tent with the

relatively

large

number of sirena

charangos

that

I

witnessed

in

the

shops

of

instrument

makers who

I

know

sell to

a

campesino

lientele.

Instrument

builders

tailor what

they

make

to their markets.

Clearly,

if

there were

not

a

demand for

these instruments

they

would

not

keep

making them. Therefore, this inconsistency raises interesting questions

for future

research;

that

is,

where do these instruments

go

and

what

are

they

used for

after

they

leave

the maker's

shop?

In a

number

of interviews with instrument builders

who

produce

the

charangos

en

sirena,

I

was

told

that

they

make this variant

because

their








The

Charango

and

the

Sirena

: 115

(campesino)

customers

simply

"like the

shape."

When asked

why

certain

people prefer

the

sirena

shape,

some

builders

replied

that

it was

purely

for ornamental reasons and others confirmed the idea that

people

"think" that the

sirena

variant has a

better or more

powerful

voice.

In

this

context,

powerful

often refers

to

the instrument's

potential

for

attract-

ing

women.

In

regard

to

the makers

themselves,

I

could discover no

special

magical practices

or beliefs

that

accompany

the

construction

of

charangos

en

sirena,

but this

point

should be

pursued

further.

Although

not an

adequate

explanation

in and of

itself,

the ornamental

or

decorative function of

the sirena

design

should

not

be dismissed

light-

ly.

In

the southern Peruvian

sierra,

the

charango,

other

necked

lutes,

and harps are decorated

frequently

with

inlays

or

carvings utilizing

various

motifs,

including

birds, fish, flowers,

women,

and

the

sirena.

Note,

for

example,

a

photograph

on the record

jacket

of

The Inca

Harp

(Lyrichord

LLST

7359),

which features a diatonic

harp

from

Ayacucho

decorated

with an

elaborately

carved sirena.

Whether instruments con-

structed

in

the

form of

a sirena

are to be

judged

as

having

a

magical,

or

merely

a

decorative,

significance

(or both),

must

rely

on the beliefs

and

interpretation

of

the owner/musician

himself.

A

whole

range

of

meaning,

suggested

in

the

present

article,

is

possible.

Notes

1. It

is

a

well-accepted

fact that before the arrival of the

Spanish,

only

winds and

percussion

instruments

were

used

by

the

indigenous

people

of

the

Peruvian sierra.

After the

conquest,

a

variety

of

European

stringed

instruments

were diffused

throughout

the

Andes,

and the

charango,

the

only hybrid

stringed

instrument of

the central Andean

region,

was

born.

The

charango

was created as an imitation of the

Spanish guitar,

but its

small size and

unique, high-pitched

sound

quality

resulted from

the

demands

of

the

indigenous

aesthetic

that

has

favored

high

pitch

from the

pre-Columbian

period

through

the

present

and

to considerations of

easy

transport.

My

research on

the

charango

was

conducted

in

southern

Peru,

June

1981

to

May

1982.

The fieldwork

was

supported by

a

fellowship

from

the

Inter-American

Foundation,

which

I

gratefully

acknowledge.

2.

The

age

of

campesinos

nvolved in

courtship may range

from fifteen

to the early twenties. The number participating on any given market

day

may vary

from about

two

to

fifteen.

3.

Another common version holds

that,

when one holds

a

mirror

up

to

someone's

face,

their reflection

in

the

glass

strikes

them

as

handsome or

friendly,

and

they

are

thereby

attracted

to the

mirror.








116

:

Thomas Turino

4.

Saturnino Mamani Pillco transcribed

and

translated

the

song

texts

from

Quechua

to

Spanish.

His

notation of

the

Quechua

is

retained. I

am

responsible

for the

English

translations, for which I used both the

original Quechua

and Saturnino's

Spanish

translations. The texts

pro-

vided here were recorded in

Descanso,

Canas,

20

March

1982.

5.

In

Peircian

terms,

an index

may

be defined as

a

type

of

sign

that

comes to

represent

a

particular

idea or

object

through

the

process

of

association

or

co-occurence.

Hence,

the

wedding

march

might

be

con-

sidered

a

musical index for

marriage

or

the

marriage ceremony.

For

a

discussion

of musical

symbols,

indexes,

and

icons,

see Turino

1982.

6.

I

have

witnessed

this

same

type

of

choreography

being

used

in a

noncourting

context in the

neighboring province

of Canchis.

7. In

his

discussion of the uses of

music

in

various

courtship

and

marriage

rituals,

Boiles discusses

examples

of

song

duels

between

the

sexes

and

musical

taunting,

which is

used to lead to

premarital

sexual

relations. These

examples parallel

the

song

duels

of

the

punchay

and

tuta

kashwa,

which also

may

lead to

premarital

sexual

relations

(see

Boiles

1978:120-121).

8.

The

reciprocal

relationship

between humans

and the

supernatural

is

an

important

feature of Andean

religion,

in

which the

worshiper gives

the deity gifts in return for the supernatural aid received. The most

common cases

are a

series

of rituals

performed

for

Pachamama

(earth

mother)

in

which she

is fed

coca, chunu,

corn chicha

(corn beer)

in

return

for

her

gift

of earth and animal

fertility

(one

campesino

remarked,

"If we

do not feed the

earth,

our

crops

and our animals will

die").

The

offer-

ings

made to the

sirena

during

the

charango

initiation

ceremony closely

resemble those

given

to

Pachamama,

and, indeed,

this

aspect

of the

ceremony

seems

to be

part

of

this

larger indigenous

tradition.

9.

E

minor

tuning,

or the

sirena

tuning (also

sometimes called

the

Diablo [devil] tuning):








The

Charango

and the Sirena

:

117

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