Ropa Funcion Social

Cloth and Its Functions in the Inca StateAuthor(s): John V. MurraSource: American Anthropologist, New Series, Vol. 64, No. 4 (Aug., 1962), pp. 710-728Published by: Wiley on behalf of the American Anthropological AssociationStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/667788 .

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Cloth and Its Functions in the Inca State1

JOHN V. MURRA Yale University

YEARS of full-time devotion have been lavished by some students on the description and analysis of the variety and technical excellence of Andean

textiles. As Junius Bird, the leading modern student of the craft, has indicated, "some of them rank high among the finest fabrics ever produced."2 Andean interest in cloth can be documented archeologically to have endured for millen- nia, long before the coming of the Inca. Recent ethnohistoric studies show that this extraordinary imagination in creating a multiplicity of fabrics was func- tionally matched by the many unexpected political and religious contexts in which cloth was used.

The major textile fibers spun and woven in ancient Peru were cotton in the lowlands and the wool of llamas in the Andes. Cotton is found in some of the earliest strata (pre-2000 B.C.), long before the appearance of maize on the Coast. Its twining and later weaving reached excellence very early,3 and throughout coastal history it remained the important fiber; Bird goes so far as to say that the whole "Peruvian textile craft is based on the use of cotton and not on wool or any other fiber."4 It is unfortunate that our 16th century ethnohistorical sources said so little about cotton cultivation, and it is curious that coastal ceramics, which so frequently illustrate cultivated plants and fruits, rarely if ever show cotton.5

In the mountains, archeology tells us little, since textiles do not keep well in Andean conditions; this fact sometimes leads to neglect of the cultural signif- icance and technical quality of highland fabrics, so evident from the chronicles. Although the excavations of Augusto Cardich6 show that auchenidae had been hunted for many thousands of years, it has been impossible so far to date the beginning of llama domestication. Judging by llamas as represented on pottery and by sacrificed llama burials found on the Coast as early as Cupisnique times, we can assume that these animals were already domesticated by 1000 B.C. Bird suggests that a growing interest in wool by coastal weavers was possibly the major incentive for the domestication of auchenidae,7 but at the present stage of highland studies, the taming of the guanaco and alpaca by those who had hunted them for 5,000 years and who first cultivated the potato is still a possibility.

In time, the use of wool increased even on the Coast and it became wide- spread with Inca expansion,8 but apparently it had not penetrated everywhere, even in the highlands. Santillan reported in the 1560's that some highlanders carried burdens on their backs as they had no llamas, and even in very cold country their clothes were woven "like a net" from maguey fibers.9 Garcilaso

710



711 [MURRA] Cloth in the Inca State

de la Vega also points to regions where maguey thread was woven into cloth, as wool and cotton were lacking.x? Although neither source localizes these regions, tradition recorded by modern folkloric research describes some of the early inhabitants of the Callejon de Huyalas as karapishtu, maguey leaf wearers.n1 Huaman Poma, the 17th century Andean petitioner to the king of Spain, who reports and illustrates an ingenious four-stage evolutionary sequence for highland cultures, claimed that before people learned to weave they went through a period when they were dressed in "leaves" and later, through another period, wrapped in furs.12 While the wool of alpacas and vicunas may have been used even before domestication, it was in Inca times that llama- herding was deliberately expanded through the use of mitmaq colonists, in much the same way as the state encouraged the cultivation of maize.13

The most systematic historical description of Inca looms and classification of fabrics has been given us by Cobo.14 Although each fabric, weaving, or ornamenting technique must have had its own name, the chroniclers were content with a dual classification: 1) awasqa, the cloth produced for domestic purposes, which was rather rough, indifferently colored and thick,15 and 2) kumpi, a finer fabric, woven on a different loom. All early observers agreed that kumpi blankets and clothes were wonderfully soft, "like silk," frequently dyed in gay colors or ornamented with feathers or shell beads. The weave was smooth and continuous, "no thread could be seen."16 Comparisons in those early days of the invasion were all unfavorable to European manufactures; only 18 years later Cieza speaks of it as a lost treasure.17

Clothing was not tailored but left the looms virtually fully fashioned.18 The most detailed ethnohistoric description of peasant clothing appears in Cobo.19 According to Cieza there were no status differences in the tailoring of garments but only in the cloth and ornamentation used.20 This is easily noted in the quality of archeological textiles, since some graves display elegant new garments which must have required considerable expenditure of time and effort, while others were buried in worn ordinary clothes. Ethnic and regional differences in clothing are predictable but cannot be documented from the sources beyond the variety of llawto, headdressess, the hairdo, and frequently the type of cranial deformation.2?

There is a standard, much quoted portrait of the never idle Andean peasant woman spinning endlessly as she stood, sat, or even walked.22 She spun the thread and made most of the cloth in which she dressed herself and her family and took the spindle into her grave as a symbol of womanly activity.

In practice, the sexual division of labor was less rigidly defined. Spinning and weaving skills were learned in childhood by both girls and boys. While wives and mothers were expected to tend to their families' clothing needs, all those who were "exempted" from the mitta labor services-old men and cripples and children-helped out by spinning and making rope, weaving sacks and "rough stuff" according to strength and ability.23 Modern ethnologic research confirms this impression: both sexes weave, but different fabrics. Specilized craftsmen tended to be, and still are, men.24



712 American Anthropologist [64, 1962

In the Andes,

all households had claims to community fibers, from which the women wove cloth: "this wool was distributed from the community; to everyone whatever he needed for his clothes and those of his wives and children... . ,25 However, not all village communities had their own alpacas or cotton fields. In that case the housewives got their fibers through trade and barter. Inigo Ortiz' wonderfully detailed description of Huanuco village life in 1562 records various transactions: potatoes and charki for cotton, peppers for wool.26 Still, to say that claims could be made on community resources is a formal statement hiding the shortage of functional data on the provenience of the lowland peasant woman's raw materials for weaving. Although we seem to know so much about textiles from coastal archeology, we know very little of cotton growing practices and the economics of cotton; it would be interesting to know where the coastal households and villages got the cotton for their own use. Perhaps each village had its own cotton patch, corresponding to the highland village herd; this seems to be suggested by Ortiz' material from Huanuco; at Machque he found a cotton field "which is all of these Indians" and at Huanacabra there was a hamlet which was settled "communally to cultivate the cottonfields nearby."27 But Ortiz was talking of a highland area where cotton cultivation is precarious and rare, and, in this case, most likely enforced by European exactions. On the coast, our studies of land tenures28 would sug- gest that irrigated lands and thus cotton fields were subject to a variety of rights and claims which may not have operated for food crops and pastures in the highlands. The uses to which textiles were put by the Andean peasant family should not be taken for granted. People do have to keep warm at 10,000 feet, and clothes are always important psychologically and ornamentally, but in the Andes the functions of cloth went far beyond such universals. It emerges as the main ceremonial good and, on the personal level, the preferred gift, high- lighting all crisis points in the life cycle and providing otherwise unavailable insights to the reciprocal relations of kinfolk. Shortly after the child was weaned he was given a new name at a feast to which many relatives, lineal and

affinal, were invited. An "uncle" acted as sponsor and cut the first lock from the child's hair. The relatives followed: all who sheared hair were expected to offer gifts. Polo enumerates silver, cloth, wool, cotton, and "other things." Garcilaso states that some brought clothes while others gave weapons.29 Initiation came at puberty for girls and at 14 or 15 for boys. The latter were issued a wara, a loincloth woven for. the occasion by their mothers. This public loin-girding was known as warachikoy. Receiving new clothes woven with magic precautions and wearing them ceremonially was an important part of the change in status, but details of it for the peasantry have been neglected by the chroniclers who

have concentrated on the initiation of the young from the royal lineages. An inkling into the kind of detail we are missing comes from modern ethnology' as late as the 1920's in the

Quiquijana area, near Cuzco, pairs of youths would race ceremonially, their clothing fancy and new from



MURRA] Cloth in the Inca State 713 head to foot.30 Special clothes are still woven and all garments ceremonially washed for the young man assuming religious office today on the island of

Taquile, in Lake Titicaca.31 While most chroniclers and modern commentators have accepted some version of the story that marriage depended on royal sanction, late 17th century sources like Roman, Morua and Poma indicated that at the peasant, ayllu level marriage took place on local initiative with textile bride-wealth presented by the groom and his kin. Roman had mentioned llamas, but Morua argued that only sefores, lords, could offer these beasts; peasant marriages were preceded by gifts of food, guinea pigs, and cloth.32 One of the qualifications of a desirable wife was her ability to weave, and we are told that the several wives of a prominent man would compete as to who could "embroider a better blanket."33 Of

all life's crises and their association with cloth, death is the best documented in archeology, the chronicles, and in ethnology. Polo points out that the dead were dressed in new clothes, with additional garments placed in the grave along with sandals, bags, and headdresses.34 This was not only an Inca custom, but a pan-Andean preference, going back thousands of years. Coastal archeology, which has at its disposal a fuller statement of the culture due to the marvelous preservation of all remains in the desert, reveals that the dead were wrapped in numerous layers of cloth. Confirming Polo's observation, many mummies enclosed scores of garments, some of them diminutive in size and woven especially as mortuary offerings.35 Yacovleff and his associates have tried to calculate the amount of cotton needed to make a single mummy's shroud from Paracas: it measured about 300 square yards and we are told that this size was not unique; it required the product of more than two irrigated acres planted to cotton. How many woman-hours of spinning and weaving time were involved is incalculable. The wake

and burial took as long as eight days; according to Morua, the mourners wore special clothing. They took the garments of the deceased on a tour of the places where he dwelled. The widow and other relatives of the deceased went to wash the clothes at a specific place at the river bank or irriga- tion ditch. At periodic intervals, and annually in November-December, "anniversaries" were celebrated with new offerings of food, drink, and cloth-

ing.a? The anniversary gifts were needed because the souls were wandering about and in need of food and clothes.37 Recent ethnological work by Nune

z de l Prado and Morote Best clarifies the identification of person with clothing, while confirming the utility of checking the chronicles against modern

ethnology' within eight days after death, the relatives of the deceased, accompanied by their friends, amidst drinking and singing, should wash every single piece of the dead man's clothing, since the soul would return and complain if one garment remained unwashed?38 If an item is carried away by the water during the ceremonial washing, the soul will sorrow at the place the garment gets caught in the river; to find and release it the crowd follows the weeping sounds until the garment is located.39



714 A merican A nthropologist [64, 1962

Peasant and ethnic community worship in the Inca state has never been adequately studied, since no European bothered to describe it in the early dec- ades after the invasion. Only at the beginning of the 17th century when idol- burners like Avila, Arriaga, Teruel, or Albornoz report on their vandalism do we get a hint of what local, ethnic religion may have been like, as contrasted with the activities of the state church. Arriaga, for example, is proud of having brought back to Lima and burned 600 "idols, many of them with their clothes and ornaments and very curious kumpi blankets." They also burned the mallqi, bones of "ancestors who were sons of the local shrines . . . dressed in costly feather or kumpi shirts.M40 If the ancestor was a woman, her shrine included her spindle and a handful of cotton. These tools had to be protected in case of an eclipse when a comet was believed to threaten the moon (also thought of as a woman). The spindles were in danger of turning into vipers, the looms into "bears and tigers.'m4

Sacrifices are another measure of a culture's values. Santillan tells us that the main offerings of the Inca were cloth and llamas, both of which were burned.42 Cobo says that the offering of fine cloth "was no less common and esteemed (than the llamas), as there was hardly any important sacrifice in which it did not enter."43 Some of these garments were male, others female; some were life size, others miniature, like those burned in offering to Pacha- mama, Mother Earth. Cobo copied Polo's information that at Mantocalla, near Cuzco, wooden reproductions of corncobs, dressed like men or women, were used to feed the sacrificial pyre on which llamas were burned at maize shucking time.44

The economics of such offerings and sacrifices needs further clarification. Local shrines had access to lands and herds, and many of the textiles sacrificed were the product of labor invested by the community on such fields. There may also have been minor offerings in kind from the household economy of the believers, but this is uncertain.

Recent research has emphasized not only the contrast between the peasant community and the Inca state, but also the intermediary role of the ethnic ruler, the koraka.4 He was, at the lower echelons, so frequently a member of the community, his authority and expectations reinforced by so many kinship ties and obligations, that the weaving contributions to the koraka partake of the reciprocity arrangements which functioned at all levels of village economic life. As we would expect, access to cloth is frequently mentioned among a koraka's privileges. The fullest, if still sketchy, picture of his weaving claims emerges from Inigo Ortiz' questionnaires.46

The Huanuco koraka had automatic access to community wool and cotton, but the report takes this for granted and does not elaborate. It emphasizes in- stead his claims to labor, by enumerating that he "received" shirts and sandals, headdresses and carrying bags, woven for him by "his Indians." Some of the garments were woven by women, others by men, and they did it, according to Ortiz' formula, when "he begged them." Neither the minka, nor



MURRA] Cloth in the Inca State 715 mitta reciprocal services are mentioned in this context, nor do we know who "his Indians" were who wove when "begged"-they may have been ordinary villagers whose ties to the koraka were "reciprocal," or retainers like one Liquira, who devoted full time to the service of Chuchuyaure, the lord of Yachas, or even his several wives, whom the Europeans, ignoring polygyny, called women "de

servicio.'4 Some clarification is gained from the testimony of Polo and

Falcon: it is true, claimed the first, that the chiefs, "received" much cloth, but the weavers were their own wives.48 Falcon, quite independ- ently, recorded somewhat later two contradictory versions: the koraka insisted that before 1532 they had "received" cloth, while the peasants interviewed denied it. Falcon thought that both told the truth: cloth, which was needed by the lord for varied purposes, was mainly woven for him by his many wives, but as the invaders had prohibited polygyny, there was in the 1570's a shortage of "working hands."49 All sources agree that the weaving was done with the koraka's fibers. There is less ambiguity when we come to peasant-state relations as ex- pressed in cloth. In Inca thinking there were two main economic obligations which the citizen had toward the state, and to each of them corresponded an enduring pre-Incaic right guaranteeing subsistence and traditional self-suffi- ciency to the peasant community; a right which the Inca found convenient to respect: Obligation to work the crown

and<--Right to continue to plant and har- church lands. vest one's own crops on ayllu lands. Obligation to weave cloth for

crowne- Right to wool or cotton from commu- and church needs. nity stocks for the making of one's own

clothes. This Andean definition of equivalence between weaving and food produc- tion as the

peasantry's main obligations to the crown is confirmed by two independent but contemporaneous statements about tasks considered important enough by the state to

give "the Indians time off." Polo indicates that such time off was granted

only to work the peasant lands and to weave the family clothes; otherwise they were always kept busy "with one task or another."50 Sarmiento is

even more rigid and specific: only three months were "granted the Indians" and all the rest of the time was spent working for the Sun, the shrines, and the king; of

the three months, one was for plowing and sowing, one for harvesting, and a third, "in the summer," for fiestas and "in order that they spin and weave for themselves."61 We need not accept as accurate

the actual work schedules reported; what matters are the implicit priorities; these are confirmed by later Andean writers. Garcilaso is categorical' the compulsory "tribute" consisted in delivering food from Inca lands and cloth from Inca wool?62 Salcamayhua describes

Qne of the kings as "a friend of cultivated fields and cloth making."65 Much as the

koraka had to provide the fibers which were worked up for



716 A merican Anthropologist [64, 1962 him as cloth, the Inca state did not expect the peasantry to use its own raw materials for the weaving mitta. As Polo put it: "no Indian contributed (to the state) the cloth woven for his own garments from the wool given him by the community."54

Such Andean continuity between the weaving obligations to the koraka and to the state is then confused by another statement of Polo's: "they were inspected to see if they had made it into cloth and they punished the careless and thus all went around dressed.... "55 Why would inspection be necessary to enforce the making of one's own clothes? Polo said, to insure that people went around dressed; but this was just the perennial European preoccupation with the nakedness of "savages." All Andean peoples wore clothes for the simple reason that it was cold, and archeology tells us they did so long before the Incas, not to mention the difficulties of setting up a bureaucratic system large enough for so much "inspection and punishment." Given the compulsory nature of the allotment ("they never took into account if the person receiving wool already had some from his own llamas. . . ,66), Polo's threat of "inspection" most likely refers to issues of state fibers made routinely to the housewife to be woven into garments for state purposes.

However, such distribution of state fibers to the citizenry does contribute to a misunderstanding of the Inca economy which has haunted Inca studies since the 1570's. Andean chroniclers like Blas Valera, in their nostalgia for ancient rights which contrasted so visibly with European exactions, interpret such compulsory issues of state wool and cotton as a welfare feature by a "diligent pater familiae."67 There were "welfare" measures in the Inca state, but they consisted in the pre-Incaic reciprocal duties and privileges incum- bent on ayllu members.

The amount to be woven by each household is a matter of some contro- versy. Cieza claims that each household owed one blanket per year and each person, one shirt.58 Three of our sources, on the other hand, insist that there was no limit or account, "they simply wove what they were ordered to weave and were always at it."T9 Interestingly enough, two of these very same sources insist elsewhere, somewhat like Cieza, that each household owed only one garment per year.60 They may be confusing different sets of obligations one garment to the state, a uniform, verifiable quantity; an unspecified amount for the koraka, since this obligation was governed by tradition and local reciprocities.61

In searching for an understanding of such a high interest in cloth, so obvious in both archeological remains and ethnohistoric reports, it may be useful to parallel our study of the functional aspects of cloth in the peasant village with a survey of its uses by the state.

At this level, we have some quantitative impressions. At the time of the European invasion, state warehouses were located throughout the kingdom, and virtually every eyewitness has indicated his amazement at their number and size. Some contained food, others weapons and ornaments or tools, but the



MIRRA] Cloth in the Inca State 717 startling and peculiarly Andean aspect was the large number holding wool and cotton, cloth and garments. Among the eyewitnesses of the invasion, Xerez reports that in Caxamarca there were houses filled to the ceiling with clothes tied into bundles. Even after "the Christians took all they wanted," no dent was made in the pile.62 "There was so much cloth of wool and cotton that it seemed to me that many ships could have been filled with them."63 As Pizarro's army progressed across the Inca realm, similar stores were found at Xauxa and in Cuzco. In the capital, it was "incredible" to see the number of separate warehouses filled with wool, rope, cloth both fine and rough, garments of many kinds, feathers, and sandals. Pedro Pizarro mused some 40 years later about what he had seen as a youth: "I could not say about the warehouses I saw, of cloth and all kinds of garments which were made and used in this kingdom, as there was no time to see it, nor sense to understand so many things."64

Later chroniclers added some information on the bookkeeping procedures by which the state administration kept track of all these textiles which had been "tributed" by the people or woven by the state's own craftsmen. Cieza reports that in each provincial capital there were khipo kamayoq who took care of all accounts, including textile matters. At Maracavilca in Xauxa, Cieza located one "gentleman," Guacarapora by name, who had kept full records of everything looted from the warehouse in his charge, including cloth, in the 18 years which had elapsed since the invasion.65 One gathers from the chroniclers that the army and warfare were major consumers of fabrics. The military on the move expected to find clothes, blankets, and tent-making equipment on their route. Roman was told that such warehouses were located close to the frontiers, where battles were expected.66 Poma reports that young men of 18 to 20, who acted as the army's carriers and messengers, would be issued some hominy and thick clothes as "a great

gift."67 Soldiers who had distinguished themselves in battle were given cloth, and Estete was told that the vast storehouses of "new clothing" found at Atawalpa's encampment at Caxamarca were to be issued to his armies on

his formal accession to the throne.68 Even the royal kin were susceptible to offers of textiles. During the recon-

quest of Ecuador by Wayna Qapaq, the king was confronted with a rebellion of his relatives who resented the unprecedented gifts and privileges granted to the Kanari, an incipient standing army. Sarmiento reports that the king soothed his rebel relatives with clothes and food, in that order?69 In Salcamayhua's independent report of the same incident, the king had to offer "for grabs" much cloth and food and other, unnamed, valuable things.TM The much debated historical sequence of Montesinos may be imaginary, but his account that, during the reign of one

Titu Yuoanqui, the soldiers rebelled because they were hungry and had not received the two suits of clothing owed them annually, has a culturally authentic ring. "The king ordered the granaries repaired and the clothing mitta revived"; only then were the soldiers satisfied.TM



718 A merican Anthropologist [64, 1962

There are other ways of indicating the extraordinary attachment displayed by the army toward cloth. In describing the occupation of Xauxa by the Europeans, P. Sancho says that general Quizquiz' retreating army burned at least one and maybe several warehouses full of "many clothes and maize," in that order.72 In describing the same events, Zarate tells us that when Quizquiz had to withdraw suddenly, he left behind 15,000 llamas and 4,000 prisoners, but burned all of the cloth which he could not carry.73 The enemy was not de- prived of the men (who, according to Garcilaso, joined the European army) or of llamas, but of cloth.... To the north, in Ecuador, Atawalpa's lieutenant, Ruminawi, retreating before Sebastian de Benalcazar's invaders, similarly burned down a room-full of fine cloth kept there since Wayna Qapaq's time.74 When Pedro de Valdivia invaded Chile in 1541 he found that orders had reached the local population from Inca resistance headquarters to: "hide the gold, as we were coming for no other reason ... to burn the food and the cloth .... The execution was letter-perfect; they ate the llamas, pulled up all the cotton, burned the wool, their own clothing . . . and the sowed fields."75

None of these attitudes can be understood as matter-of-fact clothing or ornamental needs. Here archeology is more helpful than the chronicles, since we find evidence of the magico-military importance of cloth back in Mochica times, two thousand years ago. Battle scenes painted on North Coast pottery show prisoners being undressed and their clothes carried off by the victor.76 These attitudes endured beyond the fall of the Inca state: during the civil wars among the Europeans, their Andean troops believed that the enemy could be harmed or killed by getting hold of his clothes and using them to dress an effigy which was hanged and spat upon.77 When the Almagristas lost the battle of Salinas, the Indians who accompanied both armies proceeded to un- dress the dead and even the wounded.78 Titu Cusi claims that during Manco Inca's withdrawal to resistance headquarters at Vilcabamba, in the 1540's, a skirmish took place in the highlands; even if the nature of the battle was dis- torted, his statement that the victorious Indians took all the Europeans' clothes79 is likely to reflect cultural norms. More than two centuries later, in 1781, the European dead were undressed during the Indian rebellions which culminated in the siege of Cuzco and La Paz.80

Feather-ornamented cloth seems to have had a special association with soldiers and war. The feathers collected by children while herding were used in kumpi and "other military and imperial needs."8s In describing the military warehouses which he saw in the fortress near Cuzco, P. Sancho reports one con- taining 100,000 dried birds whose feathers were used for clothing. The sen- tences preceding and following this account discuss military stores.82 Salca- mayhua, whose historical accuracy is doubtful, but whose sense of appropriate apparel, being unselfconscious, should be good, states that when Yawar Wakaq expected war, he ordered the preparation of feather garments and of armor.83 Mitmaq colonists, who sometimes acted as frontier guards, were "paid" in feathers as well as clothes.

Any commodity so highly valued is bound to acquire rank and class conno-



MURRA] Cloth in the.Inca State

tations. The king had certain fabrics reserved for his use alone and his shirts are reported to have been very delicate, embroidered with gold and silver, ornamented with feathers, and sometimes made of such rare fibers as bat hair. Morua claims to have handled a royal garment so delicately made that it fitted into the hollow of his hand.84

The main insignia of royalty was a red wool fringe which fell over the king's forehead and was sewn onto his headdress. Kings were quite fastidious and changed their clothing frequently. Morua and Garcilaso tell us that royalty gave away their discarded apparel, but P. Pizarro claims to have seen hampers which contained all of Atawalpa's used clothing, along with the bones and corn cobs he had gnawed on.85 This is credible as we know from P. Sancho, another and independent witness of the invasion, that the mummies of deceased

kings kept "everything"-not only vessels used for eating, but all hair, nail

parings, and clothes.86 The court, the royal lineages, and the state church shared in the status con-

sumption and display of textiles. The initiation rites of royal youths are well described by Cristobal de Molina: the ceremony lasted most of the month of

November, but spinning and weaving preparations by the women-folk in the initiate's immediate family began in September.87 At each step of this pro- tracted initiation, the candidate changed clothes, and each garment was a gift from a particular relative, a ceremonial obligation expressing and strengthen- ing kin ties. The colors, the fabrics used, the ornamentation, all had some rela- tion with the legendary history of the 12 royal panakas.

Royal marriages shared in this symbolic use of textiles. In the Cuzco area the Inca himself sometimes solemnized the weddings of his kin. He ordered

enough clothes to be brought from the warehouse and gave each bride and groom two suits of clothing, food, and llamas.88 Morua is the only source to give us a fairly detailed description of a king's marriage. The Inca took a rich cloth and a tupu-pin to his bride and told her that "in the same way as she would be mistress of that cloth, so she would lord over all things, just as he did." On presenting the bride with the fabric, he asked her to put it on and in return she offered him a garment woven by her own hands. After the wedding they went to the royal quarters, through streets "paved" with colored and feathered cloth. Among the grants made on this occasion by the king to his court were fabrics of all kinds according to status, also llamas and wool, even lands and servants.89

Like life crises, religious activities are easier to document at the state

level; the associations of church and cloth were manifold. Some of the images of Sun or Thunder were made of thick blankets, so tightly packed that the "idol" could stand by itself; others were made of gold and dressed in vestments of gold thread and wool. Most of the time the statues sat hidden behind a kumpi cur- tain of the finest and "subtlest" kind. On great holidays the images were

brought out on the shoulders of priests and placed in public on a small seat, smothered in feather blankets.90 Pirwa, the first legendary human who had been sent by the Creator "to guard the Inca dynasty," is recorded to have



American Anthropologist [64, 1962 720

stood watch over their clothes, "treasures," and warehouses in that order.91 The ceremonial state calendar included many sacrifices, when fabrics as

well as llamas were offered and burned. At Zithuwa time, in September, when illness was driven out by washing it down the river, the priests threw into the water eviscerated llamas, much cloth of all colors, coca leaf, and flowers.92 Dur- ing Camay, in December-January, when 10 llamas were sacrificed for the king's health, each royal lineage (parcialidad) contributed 10 garments of very fine red and white cloth to be burned in honor of the Sun, Moon, Thunder, Wiraqocha, and Earth Mother.93 At Mayocati, on the 19th day of the same month, multi-colored clothes, feathers, llamas, flowers, and the ashes of the whole year's sacrifices were again thrown in the river,94 to be carried off into the Amazon.

Many of these sacrifices were made from the warehouses of the church, the several shrines, and sometimes even from those of the state. It is unfortu- nately impossible to determine what sacrifices were made from which warehouse; apparently such deities as the Sun or Thunder had their own stores.95

The extraordinary value placed on cloth by Andean cultures and the exis- tence of class differences allowed the manipulative use of this commodity in a variety of political and social contexts. We saw above the compulsory nature of peasant weaving for their koraka and for the state. The koraka, in turn, pro- vided "gifts" for the Cuzco representatives, including clothes, from the popu- lations to be enumerated and administered.96 When Wayna Qapaq passed through Xauxa and organized one of the many wakes for his mother, he was impressed with gifts of fine cloth so well worked "that the king himself dressed in it."97

Since traditional reciprocity was the model for Inca state revenues, an ideologic attempt was made to complement such massive textile exactions through a redistributive policy which exalted the institutionalized generosity of the crown. The simple fact that a fine cloth like tokapu or kumpi had come to be defined as a royal privilege meant that grants of it were highly valued by the recipient, to the point that unauthorized wear of vicuna cloth is reported to have been a capital offense.98 On important state occasions, like accession to the throne or at the death of a king, when large crowds gathered at Cuzco, the crown distributed among those attending as many as 1,000 llamas, women, the right to be borne in litters and, inevitably, cloth.99

Everybody from a humble peasant working for his koraka to a lofty royal prince who was being removed from the succession race "considered themselves well rewarded" by a grant of garments, particularly if these had belonged to the chief or the king.??? Anybody who had carried "tribute" or an idol or had come to Cuzco on an official errand was given something "in return," depend- ing on status, but always including cloth.101 Sons of koraka, who were hostages in Cuzco, had their exile sweetened by grants of clothes from the royal ward- robe which they sent home, a sign of royal pleasure.102

Administrators leaving Cuzco for the provinces, and local koraka deserving



MURRA] Cloth in the Inca State 721 the king's favor, could count on grants of many kinds, including "women and servants," but always cloth.?03 One of Wayna Qapaq's sons, Waman, who had done well at some administrative task, was granted "as a great favor" a gold threaded shirt. The same source alleges that a Wunu, the highest regional ad- ministrator, would get land, 2 "rich" shirts, 300 cloths of kumpi and lipi; even the officials in charge of the king's clothes were rewarded with fabrics.?04 Con- versely, those officials guilty of crimes against the state lost their "estate" (hazienda), their servants, and their cloth.x05 There is nothing strange in the political use of prestige objects; the novelty consists in discovering that, in the Andean area, the artifact of greatest prestige and thus the most useful in power relations was cloth. Exchanges of cloth were an integral part of diplomatic and military nego- tiations. When young Yawar Wakaq was held captive by the Anta, his father, Inca Roka, sent the kidnappers cloth as well as an offer of ritual kinship.?06 In the early days of his succession dispute with Waskhar, Atawalpa sent his royal brother a delegation with a gift of clothing; "taking the clothes which his brother sent him, Waskhar threw them in the fire and said: my brother must think that we do not have this kind of cloth around here or he wants to cover his deceit with it ... ."107 When an area was incorporated into the kingdom, the new citizens were granted "clothes to wear . . . which among them is highly valued," according to Blas Valera.x08 The local deity was included among the beneficiaries: in Huarochiri, Pariacaca received cloth of all kinds from the king.?09 Some reciprocity prevailed: once defeated, the coastal king of Chimu sent the conqueror cloth, shell beads, and 20 girls.no? Sometime after the campaign was terminated, the king himself appeared in the dress of the local inhabitants, "much to their great pleasure."111

Understanding the functions of cloth in such a military context may lead to a major new insight into Inca economic and political organization. The sources quoted hint strongly of the compulsory nature of these "gifts" of cloth to conquered ethnic groups. Several chroniclers, and particularly Garcilaso, have been greatly impressed with what they see as a campaign of peaceful penetra- tion, the paradox of the gift-laden conqueror. They see in this a further example of the "generosity" of the Inca state. There is another way of viewing such ceremonial gifts to the vanquished, at the moment of their defeat: the compulsory issue of culturally valued commodi- ties in a society without money and relatively small marketsn12 can be viewed as the initial pump-priming step in a dependent relationship, since the "generosity" of the conqueror obligates one to reciprocate, to deliver on a regular, periodic basis, the results of one's workmanship to the Cuzco warehouses. To the Andean peasant, the Inca "gift" could be stated as doubly valuable: as cloth and as a crown grant. The state was doubly served: the supply of cloth was ensured

and the onerous nature of the weaving mitta could be phrased in terms of culturally sanctioned reciprocity. But one can also see in



722 American Anthropologist [64, 1962]

this textile "gift" the issuing of Inca citizenship papers, a coercive and yet symbolic reiteration of the peasant's obligations to the state, of his conquered status.

A primary source of state revenues, an annual chore among peasant obligations, a common sacrificial offering, cloth could also serve at different times and occasions as a status symbol or a token of enforced citizenship, as burial

furniture, bride-wealth, or armistice sealer. No political, military, social, or religious event was complete without textiles being volunteered or bestowed, burned, exchanged, or sacrified. In time, weaving became a growing state burden on the peasant household, a major occupational specialty, and eventu-

ally a factor in the emergence of retainer craft groups like the aklla, the weaving women, a social category inconsistent with the prevailing Cuzco claim that services to the state were no more than peasant reciprocity writ large.n13

NOTES

(The dates in square brackets following the names of 16th and 17th century authors refer to the year of first publication or writing; the second, modern date refers to the edition used by the writer for the present article.)

l Earlier versions of this paper were read at the Boston meeting of the American Anthro- pological Association in 1955 and at the 2nd Congress of Peruvian History in Lima in 1958. The research was aided by a faculty fellowship from Vassar College and a grant-in-aid from the Social Science Research Council.

2 Bennett and Bird 1949:256. See also Lila O'Neale, who felt that "on their primitive looms they produced extraordinarily fine textures, and in addition they had imagination, ingenuity and technical proficiency to develop unknown numbers of simple and complex weave variants. Design and color harmonies exhibit a confident sense of proportion which never fails to arouse admira- tion" (1949:105).

3 Carri6n Cachot 1931; Bennett 1946:29. 4 Bennett and Bird 1949:258; Bird 1952:20; 1954:3. There is an excellent summary of techni-

cal information on Andean textiles by Bird (Bennett and Bird 1949:256-93); see also his bibliog- raphy (pp. 304-6) and Bird (1954). The latter's discussion, based on archeological data dealt mostly with coastal fabrics; my own, relying heavily on ethno-historic material, is mostly about highland woolens.

6 Yacovleff and Herrera 1934:257. 6 Cardich 1958. 7 Bennett and Bird 1949:260; Bird 1954:3. 8 See, for example, in Pachacamac where cotton was six to eight times more abundant than

wool and the latter was found concentrated in the strata with Inca pottery (Bennett and Bird 1949:275). Elsewhere, Bird utilizes proportions of wool within a textile complex as age indicator: Paracas-Necropolis is likely to have been earlier than Nazca A or B, since it had less wool (Bird 1952:21).

9 Santillan [1563-64], ch. 64; 1927:61. 10 Garcilaso [1604], bk. 8, ch. 13; 1943:183. n Angeles Caballero 1955:44 45. 12 Poma [1615], 1936:48-56. 18 Murra 1960:400. ~4 Cobo [1653], bk. 14, ch. 11; 1956:258-59. The dictionary of Gonzalez Holguin [1608],

(1952) is another early reference to Quechua phrases on weaving and weavers (see pp. 17, 67, 84, 270). For modern studies of weaves and looms see O'Neale and Kroeber (1930), O'Neale and Clark (1948), Bird (Bennett and Bird 1949), O'Neale (1949), and Bird (1954).



MURRA] Cloth in the Inca State 723

16 However, from Gonzalez Holguin's dictionary we learn that ahua was the weave of the cloth, ahuani, to weave, and ahuac, the weaver, without any implications of quality (pp. 17-18). In

modem Cuzco Quechua,

cloth is

away (Morote Best 1951:119). 16 Pedro Pizarro [1572], 1844:272. 17 Cieza [1550], bk. 1, ch. 94; 1862:439. See also Gonzalez Holguin [1608], 1952:67. 18 O'Neale 1949:106; Bird 1954:15. 19

Cobo [1653], bk. 14, ch. 2; 1956:238-39. See also the systematic, modem discussion of Inca clothing by Rowe (1946:233-35).

20 Cieza [1550], bk. 2, ch. 19; 1943:73. 21 Pedro Pizarro [1572], 1844:222; Morua [1590], bk. 3, chs. 11 and 33; 1946:187,242; Salca- mayhua [1613 ?], 1927:144. 22 Morua [1590], bk. 3, ch. 29; 1946:233; Garcilaso [1604], bk. 4, ch. 13; 1943:202; Cobo [1653], bk. 14, ch. 11; 1956:258. 2aXerez [1534], 1853:330; Santillan [1563-64], ch. 52; 1927:43; Polo [1571], 1916c:131; Jimenez de la Espada, 1881-1897, vol. 2:69; Poma [1615], 1936:199 [201], 207 [209], 216 [218], 218 [220], 220 [222], 222 [224]; Cobo [1653], bk. 11, ch. 7; 1956:22.

24 Morote Best 1951:119. 25 Polo [1571], 1916c:66. 6 Ortiz [1562], 1920:42; 1956:305; 1957:318, 326. 27Ortiz [1562], 1925:228; 1955:195. 28 Murra 1956: ch. 2, "Land Tenures." 29 Polo [1561], 1940:181 and [1567], 1916b:200-1; Garcilaso [1604], bk. 4, ch. 11; 1943:199; Gonzalez Holguin [1608], 1952:323; Arriaga [1621], ch. 6; 1920:58. 8o Muniz 1926:15. 31 Matos 1958:201. 32 Roman [1575], bk. 2, ch. 10; 1897:330; Morfa [1590], bk. 3, ch. 33; 1946:240; Poma [1615],

1936:87. 33 ibidem. 34 Polo [1559], 1916a:8 and [1567], 1916b: 194. Within the next 90 years these lines were copied by Acosta, Morua, and Cobo. See also Poma [1615], 1936:290 [292] and 194 [196]. 36 O'Neale 1935: 247. 36

Yacovleff and Muelle 1932:48; 1933:73, 78; Bird 1954:45, 55. 37 Morua [1590], bk. 3, chs. 51, 52; 1946:287, 290. Poma [1615], 1936:297 [299]; Cobo [1653], bk. 13, ch. 3; 1956:154.

38 Nunez del Prado 1952:9; Morote Best 1951:151. 38Cavero 1955:155. 4

Arriaga [1621], chs. 1, 2 and 9; 1920:5, 25, 98. 41 Montesinos [1644], bk. 2, ch. 8; 1882:4849. 42 Santillan [1563-64], chs. 27 and 102; 1927:29, 95. 43 Cobo [1653], bk. 13, ch. 22; 1956:203. " Cobo [1653], bk. 13, ch. 14; 1956:176. 4s Rowe 1955, 1957; Nune z Anavitarte 1955; Moore 1958. 46 Ortiz [1562], 1920:28, 41; 1955:205, 208; 1956:44, 304; 1957:318, 326. 47 Ortiz [1562], 1957:318, 326. 8sPolo [1561], 1940:141. 49 Falc6n [ca. 1580], 1918:154. 60 Polo [1561], 1940:140-41; [1571], 1916c:131. 51 S armiento [ 1572], 1943: 117-18. 62

Garcilaso [1604], bk. 5, ch. 6; 1943:234-35. "Salcamayhua [1613 ?], 1927:147. 64 Polo [1571], 1916c: 127. See also [1561], 1940:136 and 178. Thirty years after the invasion, the peasants in the Hu,nuco area still remembered that the Inca crown had issued them the wool to be woven for the state warehouses and contrasted this with European exactions which insisted



724 A merican Anthropologist

on peasants providing their own cotton, which they did not even grow but had to trade for (Ortiz [1562], 1920:30, 39-40, 158-59; 1957:302-3.)

5 Polo [1571], 1916c:66 and 65. 66 Polo [1571], 1916c:66. s7Blas Valera in Garcilaso [1604], bk. 5, ch. 12; 1943:248. See also Garcilaso himself

(1943:240): "there was wool to be given out to the vassals every two years and to the korakas in general so they would make clothes for themselves and for their wives and children and the man in charge of ten households took care to check if they were dressed ...." See also Polo [1561], 1940:135-36; 147-48; [1571], 1916c: 128-29 and Morua [1590], bk. 3, ch. 29; 1946:187.

58 Cieza [1550], bk. 2, ch. 18; 1943:69. 69 Castro and Ortega [1558], 1936:244; Polo [1561], 1940:165 and [1571], 1916c:66, 127;

Santill,n [1563-64], ch. 41; 1927:38-39. 60 Castro and Ortega, ibid. Compare Santillan [1563-64], ch. 52 with ch. 73; 1927:43 with 68. 61 See also the indignant post-European protest of Poma [1615], 1936:495 [499], 497 [501],

526 [530], 896 [910] and drawings, 564 [578], 654 [668]. 62 Xerez [1534], 1853:334. 3Estete [1535], 1918:f. 8v.

64 Pedro Pizarro [1572], 1844:272. See also Polo [1561], 1940:156. 66 Cieza [1550], bk. 2, ch. 12; 1943:41-42. 66 Rom,n [1575], bk. 3, ch. 12; 1897:203. 67 Poma [1615], 1936:203 [205]. 88 Estete [1535], 1918:f. 8. 69 Sarmiento [1572], 1943:126. 70Salcamayhua [1613 ?], 1927:213-14. See also Cabello Valboa [1586], bk. 3, ch. 21;

1951:375-76. 71 Montesinos [1644], bk. 2, ch. 10; 1882:58. 72 p. Sancho [1534], ch. 4; 1917:141. See also letter to the king from the cabildo of Xauxa

[1534], 1941. 73 Zarate [1555], bk. 2, ch. 12; 1853:483. See also Garcilaso [1617], bk. 2, ch. 14; 1919-20:67. 74 Zarate [1555], bk. 2, ch. 9; 1853:481. 75 See the letter from Valdivia to Hernando Pizarro [1545], 1896:84. 7Muelle 1936:76. 77 Morua [1590], bk. 3, ch. 58; 1946:306. 78 Zarate [1555], bk. 2, ch. 11; 1853:491. See also Garcilaso's version [1617], bk. 3, ch. 18;

1919-20:67. 79 Titu Cusi [ca. 1569], 1916:83. soVillaneuva 1948:75. 81 Poma [1615], 1936:207 [209]. 82 p. Sancho [1535], ch. 17; 1917:194. 83 Salcamayhua [1613 ?], 1927:174, 190. 84 Morua [1590], bk. 3, ch. 21; 1946:216. 85 Pedro Pizarro [1572], 1844:250-51; Morua [1590], bk. 3, ch. 1; 1946:155; Garcilaso [1604],

bk. 6, ch. 1; 1943:8. 86 p. Sancho [1535], chs. 17 and 19; 1917:195, 200. 87 Molina "de Cuzco" [1575], 1943:46. 88 Betanzos [1551], ch. 13; 1880:87. 89 Morua [1590], bk. 3, ch. 30; 1946:235-36. 9? Pedro Pizarro [1572], 1844:265; Cobo [1653], bk. 13, ch. 5; 1956:157-58. 91 Jesuita An6nimo (Bias Valera ?) [1590 ?], ch. 1; 1945:4. 92 Betanzos [1551] ch. 15; 1880:104; Molina "de Cuzco" [1575], 1943:46. 93 Cobo [1653], bk. 13, ch. 26; 1956:213. 9 Molina "de Cuzco" [1575], 1943:64-65. 95 Poma [1615], 1936:265 [267]. 9 Sarmiento [1572], 1943:88.

[64, 1962



MrmRA] Cloth in the Inca State 725

97 Cobo [1653], bk. 12, ch. 16; 1956:89. 98 Garcilaso [1604], bk. 6, ch. 6; 1943:20. 99 Cabello Valboa [1586], bk. 3, ch. 20; 1951:359; Morua [1590], bk. 3, ch. 44; 1946:266;

Salcamayhua [1613 ?], 1927:194; Cobo [1653], bk. 12, ch. 6; 1956:69. x00 Cabello Valboa [1586], bk. 2, ch. 20; 1951:197. 101 Falc6n [ca. 1580], 1918:153-54. See also excellent description in Cobo [1653], bk. 12, ch.

30; 1956:125. x02 Garcilaso [1604], bk. 7, ch. 2; 1943:90. 103 Molina "de Cuzco" [1575], 1943:46. 104 Morfua [1590], bk. 3, chs. 5 and 29; 1946:171-72, 233. 106 Castro and Ortega [1558], 1936:242. x06Sarmiento [1572], 1943:61-62. 107 Cabello Valboa [1586], bk. 3, ch. 26; 1951:408, 413. 108 In Garcilaso [1604], bk. 5, ch. 12; 1943:247. 109 Avila [1608], ch. 19; 1942 :f. 84r. n0 Vaca de Castro [1554 ?], 1920:16. m Cieza [1550], bk. 2, chs. 52 and 56; 1943:199, 210. 112 Murra (1956:ch. 7, "Markets and Trade"). The possibility of cloth having functioned as a

kind of currency should be considered some day when functional data on Andean economics are more widely available (see O'Neale 1949:102). For Mesoamerican data see Anne C. Chapman (Polanyi, Arensberg and Pearson 1957:127) and Garibay (1961:29, 43, 63, 111, 119, 121, 123, 151 and particularly 175-78).

113 Murra 1956:ch. 8, "From Corvee to Retainership."

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