International Political Science Association – IPSA

1st International Conference on Public Policy - ICPP

“Exchange” Meanings and Implications

for Recent Brazilian Public Policies

JUSTO, Carolina Raquel Duarte de Mello1

RODRIGUES, Carolina Cantarino2

Panel: “Public Policies in Latin America and the Cognitive Approach : Paradigms, Actors and Coalitions” Chairs: Carla Tomazini (IHEAL-Sourbonne Nouvelle/France and UNICAMP/Brazil) and Melina Rocha (IHEAL-Sourbonne Nouvelle/France and FGV/Brazil)

June 26- 28 Grenoble, France

1 Political Scientist, PhD in Social Sciences by the Universidade Estadual de Campinas (UNICAMP), Professor of Political Science at the Universidade Federal de São Carlos (UFSCar), Brazil. E-mail: carolinaraquel@yahoo.com.br 2 Anthropologist, PhD in Social Sciences and Professor at the Universidade Estadual de Campinas (UNICAMP), Brazil. E-mail: carolcantarino@gmail.com

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Abstract:

In this article we intend to discuss the meanings and implications of the

“exchange” or “gift” notions in some Brazilian recent public policies, especially the

Income Transfer Policies – commonly and not amazingly called Cash Conditioned

Transfer Policies – and the quotas established for some social groups to enter in

the public universities as part of affirmative action policies. What are the advocacy

coalitions who work in favor of and against each of such proposals? How do they

justify their demands? What are the normative effects and implications of any

proposal? As we intend to show, depending on who are the stakeholders of the

policies, they carry with themselves a range of cultural references and worldviews

that have specific results for the societies configuration perspectives. On the one

hand, they may contribute for social solidarity, interdependence and reciprocity,

which could aggregate citizens in the “gift circulation cycle”, as observed by Mauss

in the “Gift Essay”. On the other hand, they may contribute for the diffusion of a

utilitarian and contractual notion of debt, which could disaggregate citizens in a

kind of “eternal debt dependence cycle”, different from the Mauss observation.

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1. Where and what we part from

When Barack Obama was elected the United States president – the first

Black to become president in that country –, in 2008, it was expected that he would

defend the minorities interests – particularly the Black’s ones – during his

mandate. Almost the same hope has been expected from Dilma Roussef, who was

elected president of Brazil in 2010 – the first woman to become president in this

country: to govern in advocacy of minorities – but particularly, in such case, in the

Women’s interests.

Even some of the most powerful politicians in the world have been not

completely free people and autonomous citizens. Independently on whoever they

represent and whatever they have promised in their campaigns, they have a debt

to pay: the debt embedded in their corps and faces – maybe more precisely, in their

DNA – and from which they cannot(?) escape: the debt created by inequality that

imprisons minorities and dominated identities.

Have Black, Women, Homosexuals, Poor and People with Disabilities the

(free) right to be and act as they want politically? Maybe yes; formally yes. Maybe

even in fact it is possible to escape from the identities traps to act politically as a

free individual. That is not the point. The point that matters here is about the

individual’s action expectations created by identities, by identities’ policies and by

any public policy carried out and hold by collective action from “advocacy

coalitions”.

Different groups, unified for shared views and interests, and so identified,

may choose among many strategies in order to fight against domination and

inequalities and in favor of some notion of Justice. Among Black’s movements, for

example, there are those ones, on the one hand, who ask for affirmative action

policies and idenditarian policies – some race identity recognition and affirmation

to (paradoxically) fight racism –, while there are others who prefer the citizenship

claim – the equality rights discourse – to fight racism, on the other hand. Both of

them seem to have the same (commendable, we could say) goal: to fight racism

and inequalities. Their senses of fairness, and the correspondent strategies to

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pursue them, which are political-culturally built, may vary enormously. And

because of that, the results from their political action may also be very different. It

is what we want to deal with in this paper.

Depending on the goal is pursued, there are many ways and forms to

evaluate and analyze public policies. We agree with the idea that, depending on the

angle we look to the public problems, and on the glasses we choose to wear for

doing that, according to our tastes and preferences formation, we may see these

problems and propose solutions for them in very different ways too. In other

words, decision-making is a process symbolically-oriented, and cannot, nor would

never be considered as a merely efficiency-efficacy-effectiveness issue, as it is not a

objective neutral calculated process, free of references, perspectives, beliefs, values

and world views from different individual or collective actors involved in it.

The premise of the cognitive approach, second Jobert and Muller (1987), is that

identities are socially constructed and thus generate different interpretations of society,

leading thus to different diagnoses with respect to the problems faced by it and the

choice of different alternatives, tools and strategies for practice intervention on them.

This role is played fundamentally by professionals within sectors of society such as

public managers, into education, health and assistance sectors.

The authors believe that different social actors, according to their different

worldviews, have influence on what public policy comes to be, and in a reciprocal way,

that these policies also have an effect on the social actors’ constitution. So if there are

ideas, values and discourses that shape policies and programs, this cultural dimension is

also permeated through the policies in direction to the actors involved in them (not only

users or beneficiaries, but both the operators and policy makers). Theorists of "State

action" as they are also called, believe, moreover, that public policies are also

instruments for the formation of collective identities. Thus, if public policies are

designed according to a process of social dispute, in which occurs the politicization of

actors, this politicization can also be developed as an effect of public policies, through

the formation of identities. (Jobert and Muller, 1987).

The establishment of professional and administrative hegemonies is a basic

condition for the existence and implementation of a given policy, defining the limits, the

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relevant issues and actors participating in the political processes within the sector. These

dominant actors model the sector according to their image and interests, giving it form

and content (MARQUES, 1997: 85).

Muller (1990) opposes the visions in which public policies are seen as fruits of a

bureaucratic-technocratic organizational structure and defends that their design and

formulations are directly related to policy choices. The cognitive approach, in

comparison with others, has the advantage of recognizing the fundamental role of

values, beliefs and ideas to understand the effects and outcomes of public policies, since

they are structuring identities, which are the basis of political action. Moreover, by

assuming that the belief system permeates society as a whole, without, however,

conceiving it as static, the cognitive approach is able to explain the social changes and,

at the same time, different designs and formulations of policies that are directed to the

same problem, as well as the varied results, effects and impacts of these policies.

We intend to continue this text by considering such cognitive analysis

assumptions, in order to show how some identity and income transfer policies, which

could contribute for social solidarity, interdependence and reciprocity, so

aggregating citizens in the “gift circulation cycle” observed by Mauss in the “Gift

Essay”, may however contribute for the diffusion of a utilitarian and contractual

notion of debt, which could disaggregate citizens in a kind of “eternal debt

dependence cycle”, different from the Mauss observation. We will use in these

analyses mainly current Brazilian policies experiences.

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2. Starting through the third via: Labels and/or Citizenship

Fonte: http://www2.uol.com.br/laerte/info/biografia-top.html

Fonte: http://agenciaaids.com.br/usermedia/images/laerte2.jpg

Laerte Coutinho, who appears in both pictures above, is a Brazilian

cartoonist who has required the right of being whoever/whatever. A man? A

woman? A transgender? A…? Which label? It does not really matter.

Identity policies, especially those ones for minority groups, like “women”,

“Blacks”, “homosexuals”, as they have been used to be called, have been great and

useful, first of all, to put the socio-economic and symbolic unfairness and

inequalities in the public agenda and, besides that, to try to minimize them – and to

be really able of doing that, in some ways. The success and need of such kind of

policies, as the quotas for affirmative action policies, do not mean they are free

from internal criticism, as we intend to do here. They are subjected to be reviewed,

corrected, reformulated, remade and extinct, as any policy, since the contingency is

an inherent character of public policies. So, our goal in this paper is to shed light

into the trap such policies carry with themselves, in order to reflect about them

and other alternatives and possibilities.

We will start exactly with some alternative ways of thinking and public

acting, and only after we will point the problems we see in some policies – cash

conditioned transfer policies and affirmative action through quotas for entering in

universities -, using mainly some Brazilian experiences to help to reflect.

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2.1. The Normative Basic Income Project

The Basic Income proposal, as formulated by Philippe Van Parijs, its main

supporter, is a progressive idea, part of a greater project, and based on the Paine’s

model of welfare state and on the equity ethical fundament (VAN PARIJS, 1994b).

For some authors, the Basic Income would be at the same time a way to the

overcome and to the improvement of the welfare state. Noguera (2000), for

example, sees it as a fourth model in the Esping-Andersen (1990, 1991) welfare

state classification. Van Parijs (1994a) sees it as capitalist way to the communism.

Anchored in the radical egalitarianism as principle and on the citizenship status,

the Basic Income model does not differentiate people to receive the benefits and,

thus, eliminates the stigmatizing character of the benefits based on means-test.

The main characteristic of the Basic Income consists, however, in the elimination

of people’s dependency in relation to the market.

According to Van Parijs (1994a), a basic income should be distributed as a

right, independent of any need, and in an unconditional way, e.g., not supposing

any restriction to people’s conduct nor to the money’s use by them. The right of

every people to share the common good and wealth is a justification to the money’s

distribution. For Van Parijs, the goal to be aimed through the Basic Income policy

implementation is the promotion of a free and fair society, which supposes the

satisfaction of three conditions: security (the existence of a guaranteed solid rights

structure), property of itself (allowed and guaranteed by the rights structure) and

the leximin opportunity (the rights structure should allow every people to have the

greatest possible opportunity of doing whatever they want); this last condition

supposes not just the formal/abstract rights existence, but also the guarantee of

the means to turn the rights effective. To attend such condition, Van Parijs foresees

the need of transferring to people the highest possible basic income (Van Parijs,

1992, 1994a; Fonseca, 2000). It is possible to recognize that this criterion is not

based on elementary needs satisfaction, as the minimum income is.

Another element to be considered in the Basic Income is the implicit idea of

unlink with work. In other words, the Basic Income project is not founded on the

“full-employment” as strategy to overcome the crisis, but on the State

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redistribution of the socially produced income and wealth among people,

independently of work. For Josué Silva (1998), the guarantee of a basic income for

everybody as a right, independently of their insertion in the work market, operates

an important rethinking on the traditional notion of citizenship, which is founded

on the work. The Basic Income oversees to a new version of citizenship, which

does not require the work as its substrata (Justo, 2007). Moreover, the Basic

Income idea has given origin to the fight for a new right: the right to income.

The welfare states were built on two binomial believes: the compatibility

between economic growth and social priorities satisfaction (through the full

employment guaranteed by the state action) and the association between rights

and duties, one as the counterpart of the other, like the work/wage relationship.

Both pacts/believes have broken since the 1970’s, when it started the welfare state

crisis and, at the same time, the changes in the “work’s world” or in the “salaried

society”.

According to Pierre Rosanvallon (1997), the contract between State and

individuals, consolidated by the welfare state, implied in the reinforcement of the

organic solidarity and in the weakening of the mechanic solidarity. So, when the

state was not able anymore of giving the social support for everybody who needed

it, people did not have who to ask help for, because of the des-socialization. That is

why Rosanvallon proposes, as an exit to the crisis, the individuals reinsertion in

collective solidarity nets. The first step in such direction consists, according to him,

in the job time reduction, in order to extend the free-time.

The income transfer implementation is considered an important way to go

with and to turn effective the job time reduction. Several authors agree with this

idea: besides Rosanvallon, Robert Castel (2003), Guy Aznar (1988, 1994), Yoland

Bresson, André Gorz (1986, 1988, 1992, and 1994) and Alain Caillé (2002). While

some of them support the idea of a minimum income for workers, based on the

belief that work is essential for the systemic integration, Gorz abandoned such

vision. Since 1997, he passed to believe that work cannot perform currently the

great integrator function anymore. Differently from Rosanvallon, who criticizes the

weakening of the mechanic solidarity caused by the welfare state, Gorz used to

deny the Basic Income proposal due to the possibility that a person, receiving the

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monetary benefit without working, became definitely excluded from the system

and society. In other words, he used to emphasize the need of the belonging not

just through the mechanic solidarity, but also through the organic solidarity, via

work market participation. However, as he passed to believe that such integration

is nowadays an illusion, he adopted a different position.

Gorz changed his mind and turned to criticize the contractual notion on

which is based the welfare state and the economic-instrumental rationality

subjacent to it. So, he argues that the full employment strategy is not defensible

anymore, since it is tributary of the work ethic and of the industrial economic

thinking according to which the salaried work, full time, is seen as the main way of

social integration – a supposition that does not sustain anymore. For him, the free-

time is the new central category in the contemporary societies. Therefore, the fight

to be faced is for the time self management (SILVA, 2002). The progressive

reduction of the work time with productive goal should conduce, gradually, to a

free-time society, where the cultural and social spheres should surmount the

economic one. In such meaning, Gorz passed to agree with Rosanvallon, advocating

for people’s dedication to communitarian, cultural, political and no-paid activities,

which would improve the micro-social ties, the mechanic solidarity. Finally, he

proposes the unconditional Basic Income and the job time reduction as

fundamental steps toward a non-utilitarian society; these measures are important

part of his new utopist free-time society project.

It is possible to recognize that the unconditional character of the Basic

Income is very consistent with such a project, since it breaks not just the rights-

duties binomial notion, as the income-work one. So, the Basic Income

implementation can contribute to the construction of a new citizenship conception,

which may abdicate of work as its base. (SILVA, 1998). It can, at the same time,

launch new light on the way we are used to see the exclusion, abandoning the

insertion or not in the work market as the main criterion for social belonging.

Gorz’s criticism to the utilitarian and instrumental economic reason that

prevails in the contemporary societies matches also with Nancy Fraser and Linda

Gordon’s (1994) argumentation about the need of overcoming the contract and

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charity ideologies dilemma, which would be replaced by non-contractual

reciprocity social forms, like solidarity and interdependence.

Besides, the “gift” notion has also been remembered as alternative to the

equivalent exchange in which is based the workfare and even the wage social

practices. To recuperate and foment the gift idea and practice implies in

reinforcing the social pact and mechanic solidarity. Inside gift’s theory, exchange is

taken not in utilitarian, but in solidarity terms, not as a way, but as the end of the

social relations (JUSTO, 2002). For Alain Caillé (2002), “gift” means Politics

(against the utilitarianism) and it should be exerted through the association, which

means participative democracy. The Basic Income is also seen, in his

argumentation, as a strategy to root the gift culture in the society.

Thus, the Basic Income proposal has been enriched as a political-cultural

project for changing society. The main points related to it are the job time

reduction, the overcoming of the contractual notion of equivalent exchange and

also the overcoming of the utilitarian economic reason that sustain it, and the build

of a free-time society, where people can recuperate micro-social solidarity ties and

dedicate to political and cultural activities.

3. Identity and Cash Conditioned Transfer Policies Traps – the Eternal

Debt

“We do not think meetings are bad, nor children health conditions

and school frequency accompaniment are. But we contest the monetary

benefit reception be dependent on the satisfaction of some requirements.

The beneficiary has the right to access health and other public services.

And she also has the right to the monetary benefit. But these things can

not be connected. The right to the income transference is independent on

the access to these other services. Because her family receives a monetary

benefit, the beneficiary does not have to bring me x, y or z documents to

prove her children go to the school and health center. To access such

services is her right, not an obligation! (…) In the PGRFM, it has prevailed

on the idea of instituting it as a policy of right and of trying the income

redistribution, in order to guarantee the income access to those families

that are totally excluded. We intend to fortify the income transference as

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a right: the beneficiary has the right to a minimum income and so,

according to this logic, she does not have to give back any counterpart”. (Glória, PGRFM coordinator, Campinas, 09/06/2008).

“Public services should be asked for quality improvement, not families. The

mother leads children to the school, independent on receiving or not the

monetary benefit. What is necessary is to improve education quality, so

that it becomes more attractive and guarantees children maintenance at

school. The mother also leads children to the health center, if it

guarantees service quality. It is not necessary an income transfer program

to obligate her to do that. So, the control should be over policies quality,

not over families”. (Marina, PGRFM technician, Campinas, June 28th 2008).

“It is very easy for us to regulate where the other is going to spend her

money. But who are we so that we can tell her where to spend it? It is her

right. This money is her right! People are used to say they [PGRFM

beneficiaries] receive money free. So, those who work get revolted and

think they have the right to tell them what they can and can not do, where

and how to spend the money, since it was earned free. ‘Barbecue they can’t!’

(…) I do not control their spending, because I think we create a linkage and

I do not want to establish such relation – to watch and to punish”. (Joana,

PGRFM technician, Campinas, May 14th, 2001).

As the discourses above show, there are policy makers inside the assistance

sector in Brazil who hold the Basic Income idea. An earlier research (JUSTO 2002)

observed how the bureaucrats who implemented a local income transfer policy, in

the city of Campinas, state of São Paulo, have given support for arising with the

Basic Income project in Brazil. An idea that was planted by the senator Eduardo

Suplicy and gained the federal level advocates in the coalition that is currently

managing the “Bolsa Família”, the greatest Cash Conditioned Transfer Policy in the

world. This federal program, however, has other coalitions’ supports, as showed by

Tomazini (2011), and does not have an unique design, even if the Basic Income

perspectives may be viewed in some of its characteristics (JUSTO, 2011).

Despite of that, we may see other worldviews inside the assistance sector,

which give support for the Minimum Income, or tha Cash Conditioned Income

Policies, characterized for the counterpart requirements in exchange of social

benefits, as the discourses below show:

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“The program can continue just if beneficiaries assume the

commitment of coming to work at the workshops four hours a day, five days

a week, during eighteen months”. (Míriam, PAGRM coordinator, Jundiaí,

24/05/2005).

“We establish norms for the program working. There are penalties,

suspension, verbal and written advertences for who arrives late or does not

come to the workshops”. (Helena, PAGRM technician, Jundiaí, 24/05/2005).

“The personalized individual plan is the contract beneficiaries sign,

where it is stipulated what they must do. It is a counterpart. Every six

months a new contract is signed, because it is pre-required for their

continuity in the program to show improvement: that a stage has been

carried out and that another one is going to be established. In the monthly

meetings we verify if beneficiaries have been complying with the contract”. (Lucas, PNF technician, Santos, 06/07/2005).

So, in the local level, bureaucrats from Jundiaí, Santos, Campinas and Santo

André, Brazilian municipalities, have different views about the income transfer

program benefit’s nature. While the ones from Campinas and Santo André tends to

defend it as an unconditional right, and so to not agree with counterparts’

requests, those ones from Jundiaí and Santo André advocate exactly the opposite:

that counterparts are the programs core, what makes the perspective of seeing

benefit like a right impracticable.

Since 2005, in Jundiaí, workshops have been replaced by professional

courses, but beneficiaries still have to be committed to attend classes everyday to

be entitled to receive the monetary benefit. Otherwise, it can even be

proportionally to absences discounted. Following the work ethic, the technicians

from Jundiaí also defend the existence of controls, norms and punishment in the

program operation, as one of them tells:

The benefit discount is the worst punishment beneficiaries are subject to. If

they are absent to the workshops without justification, they should pay for that.

Therefore, it is possible to recognize this local program follows the employment

relation; the benefit is almost like a salary, even subject to discounts. So, the

workfare is the logic subjacent to the program. In view of that, we definitely can

not support the benefit is a right, neither technicians. Indeed, they advocate for the

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contractual work and income linkage maintenance, and not for the income right,

differently from Campinas and Santo André’s bureaucrats.

In Santos, the local program technicians think the benefit represents the

right to a second chance. In their ambiguous discourse, however, the right is not

for everybody, but for those who deserve it. While in Jundiaí beneficiaries are

included in the program under the condition of being committed to attend, learn

and work at the workshops, in Santos the condition to be inserted and remain as

beneficiaries is the disposition to come back to study and to invest in work

activities like self entrepreneur. When beneficiaries are inserted, they should sign

a “commitment term”, which includes a “personalized individual accompaniment

plan”. Both the term and the plan are not a pro-form instrument. Beneficiaries

have to comply with them; otherwise they may be excluded from the program.

For Santos bureaucrats, the program should be an active social policy: it

should stimulate desirable behavior among beneficiaries. In such conception,

counterparts are essential. As seen above, according to the technicians,

beneficiaries should show progress. They have to show disposition and dedication

“to work to win poverty”. If they do not give anything in exchange for the monetary

benefit, or if they do not do anything to change their socio-economic situation, as

attending professional courses or investing in entrepreneur activities, they may be

excluded from the program, since they did not do their part. Therefore, even if they

say the benefit is a right, it does not have any support as a right in their discourses,

which make it very fragile. The monetary benefit is definitely not for everybody,

but for those who act according to a desirable behavior: employing or investing the

money in ways for generating income (preferably in entrepreneur activities) and

accomplishing with the “commitment term”. In such meaning, the money is seen as

a reward for beneficiaries who deserve it, who have carried out all the

requirements settled in the term and in the personalized individual plan (in

general, who came back to study, took care of children education and health and

developed income generation practices).

The problem in such policies is that poor people are always in debt, in a

“gift” notion different from the Mauss observation; we mean, a negative notion: the

“eternal debt dependence cycle”, which breaks the equal citizenship status.

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So, we should reflect: Black students, just like the poor ones, do not have the

right of being bad students. They are not simply and only “students”, as the most

part of the students – we mean, the white ones. They are always BLACK and POOR

students, who have entered in the university by quotas, who have been “favored”,

“winning”, but at the same time who will be because of that in debt forever. They

should pay something in exchange. The universal and unconditional citizenship

and equality principles which should be the base and result of such policies are

inverted in a trap: they are not full citizens. They are citizens in debt, they have

always to pay – for social benefits and services and for social recognition. As they

have to pay and are always in debt, they are not equal citizens.

4. Unrecognition and Disidentification as Alternative Escapes Against

Identity Policies Traps

How to escape? Judith Butler (1998) criticizes the politics of identity and the

notion of the subject but at the same time she does not completely rejects these

categories: they were, in a certain context, necessary politically. Such is the clallenge: to

try to refuse and at the same time to reconnect identity and citizenship policies.

A possibility is, instead of rediscovering itself, a letting go of yourself. Assert

itself as not only identity, but also as a creative force. If women and blacks identities

are seemingly a no mystery (Rancière, 1996: p. 48) enrolled as a visible

corporeality, the political subjectification may take them out of this evidence, in a

policy we will call of unrecognition, or of disidentification, wherein subject is

thought of as the opening of a space. A place of permanent openness and

reframing, where unforeseen senses can arise and the word identity remains

almost empty ...

"Deconstructing the subject of feminism is not therefore criticize their use,

but, instead, release the term into a future of multiple meanings,

emancipate it from the maternal or racist ontologies it was restricted to and make

it a place where unanticipated meanings can emerge" (Butler, 1998: p. 36).

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From the need of identification, raised by the quota policy, in its

strategy of reversing the racialist logic, may also emerge, alternatively, a desire of

unpredictabilities capable of extending beyond it. The stereotype is evoked and

strikethrough at the same time, something goes beyond the framework of the

image, the sight escapes, empties the place of identity.

Which parameter is able to reveal the true identity? Question

undecidable, or only subject to decision by the one who says "I". The fugacity

of an identity defined only in a momentary moment, a strategic

enunciation, to be always said and said again, may be an antidote against identity

traps. For since a proposition, a program, an alternative policy or

"solution" is proposed, it becomes dangerous because it is like a model and

becomes law, which curtails the possibility of invention. So it is necessary to

always assert its temporariness, the precariousness of identification as resistance.

To assert identity as subjectification, through cultural policies, perhaps may

conciliate it with identity and citizenship policies.

References: AZNAR, Guy. (1994). “Pour le Travail Minimum Garanti. Non au Revenu d’Existence, Oui à

l’Indemnité de Partage du Travail” in Futuribles, n.o. 184, février. AZNAR, Guy. (1988) “Revenu Minimum Garanti et Deuxième Chèque” in Futuribles, Paris, n.º

120, avr. BUTLER, Judith (1998). “Fundamentos Contingentes: o Feminismo e a Questão do

‘Pósmodernismo’”. In Cadernos Pagu (11). CASTEL, Robert. (2003). As Metamorfoses da Questão Social – Uma Crônica do Salário.

Petrópolis: Editora Vozes. CHRISTENSEN, Erik. (2000). “The Rethoric of ‘Rights and Responsabilities’ in ‘Workfare’ and

‘Citizen´s Income’ Paradigms/Discourses in Denamark in a Labour History Prspective”, paper apresentado no 8.º Congresso da BIEN (Basic Income European Network), Berlim: 6-7 de outubro;

DRAIBE, Sônia e HENRIQUE, Wilnês. (1988). "Welfare State, Crise e Gestão da Crise: Um

Balanço da Literatura Internacional" in Revista Brasileira de Ciências Sociais (ANPOCS), n.º 06, vol. 03.

DRAIBE, Sônia Miriam. (1990). “As Políticas de Combate à Pobreza na América Latina” in São

Paulo em Perspectiva, vol. 04, n.º 04(02), abr.- jun.

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__________________. (2001). “Avaliação de Implementação: Esboço de uma Metodologia de

Trabalho em Políticas Públicas” (mimeo). Publicado em CARVALHO, Maria do Carmo Brandt de e BARREIRO, Maria Cecília Roxo Nobre (orgs.). Tendências e Perspectivas na Avaliação de Políticas e Programas Sociais. São Paulo: Ed. PUC/IEE/CENPEC.

__________________ e RIESCO, Manuel. (2007). Latin America: A New Developmental

Welfare State Model in the Making?. London: UNIRISD-Palgrave Macmillan; DAHRENDORF, Ralf. (1994). "The Changing Quality of Citizenship" in VAN STEENBERGEN,

Bart. (editor). The Condition of Citizenship (Politics & Culture Series). London, Newbury Park e New Delhi: Sage Publications, em associação com Theory, Culture & Society (School of Health, Social and Policy Studies, University of Teesside).

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