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Andean Societies

Author(s): John V. MurraSource: Annual Review of Anthropology, Vol. 13 (1984), pp. 119-141Published by: Annual ReviewsStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2155664

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Ann. Rev. Anthropol. 1984. 13:119-41Copyright? 1984 by AnnualReviews Inc. All rights reserved

ANDEAN SOCIETIESJohn V. MurraDepartmentof Anthropology,CornellUniversity,Ithaca,New York 14853;and Insti-tute of AndeanResearch,New York, N.Y.

PRECOLUMBIANBACKGROUNDAndeansocieties developed in the southernhemisphere n considerable sola-tion from the rest of the world. This separatedestiny raises questions ofaccuratedescriptionwhich are of interest not only to anthropologistsandstudentsof the pastbut also to those interested n the futureof at least threeofthe five republicswith Andeanpopulations.Now thatan increasingnumberofnationalsof these republicshave joined in the study of their own past andponderalternativesor thedecadestocome, we canexpectacceleratedprogressin the observationof Andeanphenomena.This is not to denythatthrough he millenia occasional boatloadsof Polyne-sians were blown off course and landedon the desert Andean coast. Geneticsimilarities have been verified with varieties of cotton and sweet potatoeselsewherein thePacific;maizehasapan-Americandistribution.ThorHeyder-dahlmay neverhaveprovedto scholars' satisfaction hatAndeantrafficon theoceanreachedas farwest as Polynesia,butthere is no doubtthatthousandsofkeeled, ocean-goingraftsundersail plied the coastal waters between Ecuadorand central Peru (91, 112). Recently Donald Lathraphas dwelt again on thelong postulated link between the Formative stages of MesoamericanandAndeancivilizations (62).However, a carefulcomparisonbetween thesetwo regionsatthe timeof theEuropean nvasion will convey many more contraststhan similarities [for acontraryopinion, see Carrasco 20)]. It is probable hatthe Andeanachieve-ment may well be betterunderstoodonce comparisonsaremadefurtherafield.Once studies of Tibetanmanagementof high altitudesor African statecraftbecome aroutinepartof anthropological ndeavor ntheAndes, we canexpectsubstantialparallels to apply, but until then, a tactical stress on Andean"exceptionalism"will continueto be productive.

1190084-6570/84/1015-01 19$02.00


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120 MURRAThe isolated, sui generis quality of Andean societies is best documentedthrough he productivesystems, the cultigens, and domesticatedanimals theydeveloped. Neither maize norsweet potatoeswere centralto Andeanagricul-

ture andsocial complexity. The Andean achievement n agriculture,pastures,andthetieredrights n land andpeoplewere such that n our time anthropologycan treatthe whole complex as autochthonousand unique.Theverified detailsof agricultural istoryin thehighlandsremainshadowy;mostinformation eachesus indirectly,via the desertcoast, where preservationconditionsareoptimalbutwheremanyof the cultigensare local not highlandcrops (for details see 64-67). Futureresearchmay well confirmAmazonianantecedents orthe highaltitude ubers 120, 128)withoutwhichdense popula-tions and high productivitywould be unlikely above 3200 meters, where wefindAndean societies. Ultimategeneticderivationwill notchangethe fact thatif peopleareto live andprosperat suchaltitudes, nstitutionalways will havetobe elaboratednot only to harvestbut also to store andmanagefrost-threatenedresources.Threedistinctsteps in the growthof Andean societies can be distinguished:two areessentially climatologicaland agronomicfeats; the third, more com-plex, was expressedin the social structural nd economic arrangementswhichhandledthe othertwo.

1. One achievementis the high productivityof an environment hat to theEuropean ye looks bleakandunlikelyto have been the homeof asophisticatedcivilization. To cultivate at 3200 meters, at 3500, and even at 4000 metersimpliesextremely good knowledgeof thecalendars 12, 143), familiaritywithsoils and literallyscores of cultigens, minutely adapted o over 250 nightsoffrost a year, and eventually, deliberateexperimentation o create additional,resistantvarieties. Much of this agronomic knowledge has been lost or de-stroyedduring hefour anda halfcenturiesof alien rule.Thisaffectsparticular-ly the macromanagerial, omplementary killsusedbefore 1532, butenoughisstill observableandin use. In 1982, a groupof graduateagronomists,meetingoutsideCuscowitha few anthropologists, valuated heopportunities nd risksinvolved in a majorcampaign o defendandimproveAndeancultigens: tarwi,lupines rich in fats; several chaenopodiaegrains as well as scores of highaltitudetubers(48).TheAymaraethnologist,MauricioMamani,whogrewupon thealtiplano na rural, farming environment, has recorded the many cultivated and wildresourcesstill inuse when he wascomingof agesome decadesago (in Albo 2).An important eatureof high altitudeagriculture s the care lavished on theearth;even fertilizers can do it harm, so their applicationis regulated byindicators he cultivatorsmust watch and recognize. Also, rational,efficientstepsarenotenough;libationsandpropitiatory racticeshavea soil-protectingmission. Chemicalfertilizers,too short a fallowing cycle, neglectof the ritual


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ANDEAN SOCIETIES 121offeringshaveall had nefariousconsequenceswhichMamani ists. Hisessay isa superbexampleof the advantagesensuingfrom a combinationof childhoodinternalization f a cultivating system with later, modernagronomic nforma-tion.Pre-ColumbianAndean historyrecordsthe gradualraising of the "roof"atwhich agiven tuberorlupinecould mature.While themaximawouldvary withclimaticfluctuations 18, 19), one can detect anunderlying,continuous nterestin pushing the productivetiershigherandhigher.Earls & Silverblatt 34-36)have suggested that there was an experimental component of this process;anotherimprovementwas massive terracing,which not only extended thecultivatedareabut could also createprotectedmicroclimateswhere aparticularvarietycould flourish. By the timewe addhighland rrigation o the agriculturalrepertory (121), we are confronting populations highly familiar with andrespectfulof the potentialitiesof high altitudeagricultureandgrazing, whilealso intent on gaining additionalacreage in circumstanceswhich elsewherewould not seem worth such effort.One aspectof risk-taking n extreme circumstances s stressedby Mamani:while frosts for 250-300 nights a year should not be underestimated,catas-trophes were rare. This had alreadybeen noticed by other students of theAmericanpast. Wherefamines in Mesoamericaare a constant feature of thedynastic oral traditions, they are infrequent or the Andes (56). As Mamanireminds us, indicators exist that would predictsevere or unusualfrosts, sostraw and tinderwere gathered o fight them; plantingdates were deliberatelyspacedwithin the samecommunityandcrop;distinctmaturingpatternswithinthe same cultigen were intercropped; ach householdandeach hamletowneddispersed, faraway, if frequently tiny parcels of land to allow for variationswithinthe threat.All thisantifrostandantifamine iligreeis frequently gnored,if notmockedandcondemned,today by theaveragegovernmentorinternation-al agency technicianwho findsevidence of backwardnessn Andeanexpertise.The countertacticmentionedabove andstressedby agronomistswith Andeanbackgrounds s less than ten years old.A frequentlyunderestimated esource were the herds of llamasandalpacas(78, 89). At the present time, when the very survival of camelids is in doubt(41, 43, 44), it is difficult to imaginethe size andpan-Andeandistributionofherds.Intheearlydecades after heinvasion, European bserverswerestunnedby the omnipresenceof the beasts on the altiplano. In 1567. one of themreported o CharlesV that "hehadheardof an Indianwho is noteven a lordbutjust a local personage,one don JuanAlanoca of Chucuito,who had morethan50,000 headof stock ... 9 (28). Ina censusof animalsconducted n theregiononly seven years later,noneof the"rich" numerated dmitted uch wealth:thelargestherdowner confessedto having1700head. What"having"meant n thetwo situationscould well have differed;the importanteature s the magnitude


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122 MURRAof the resource. Melchiorde Alarc6n (1), for decades an unusuallyperspica-cious if illegal dweller on the shores of LakeTiticaca, who at times acted asCharles V's notary, consideredthat "the herds held by the natives of thisprovincewastheirgreatestwealth."If one addsthislarge-scaleethnicandstateherdingof burdenbearersandwool growersto the agricultural roductivityofthe altiplano, one begins to get a glimpse of Andean resources on a scaleunfamiliar o today's ethnographicobservers.2. The second major achievement of Andean societies was to use anddomesticatethe cold. It was no longera matterof enduring,of survival, as intheArctic,but of usingnocturnal rostsin aproductiveway. Geographershavelong notedthecontrastbetweentropicaldaytime emperatures nd the winteratnight, but it took CarlTroll (132, 133) to draw the implicationsfor culture-historyof such alternations.The 250 or morenightsof frostwere putto use.The Andean secret they discovered was that any animalor vegetal tissuecould be preserved ocally in a nutritious ormby exposing it each 24 hourstofrostand equatorial unshine n rapidalternation.This freeze-dried ood couldbe storedfor years withoutrottingat boththe peasanthousehold and the statelevels. The productsare genericallyknown as ch'unu if vegetal and ch'arki(hencejerky) if animal, but in the Andean languages each processed plant,tuber, fish, or meat has one or more namesof its own. WhenEuropeancropsand domestic animalswere introduced,their flesh was similarly processed.Today, identificationof freeze-driedfoods with the peasantrymasks theircrucialimportance n pre-Columbianimes. Long-termstoragealleviatedtheeffects of droughtandother naturaland man-madecalamities.Along theroyalhighways, thestatebuilt enormouswarehousecomplexes(2400 on one hillsidenearCochabamba ndover 1000aboveXauxa)which can still be studied(88).Their architecturewas specializedaccordingto the productstored,andbuild-ings were designedto catchtinydifferences n exposure o wind orsunshine,toaltitudeorhumidity.Llamaand humancaravans inkingdiverseterritoriesandgeographiczones, portersand soldiers, priests and pilgrimson their way todistant shrines-all found shelter at administrativecenters and their storehouses.This explainshow Europeanadventurerswereable to "discover" housandsof kilometersof backcountry n averyshort ime. Recent researchcenteringonthe Aymara ords revealedtheir "servicerecords"compiled by the invaders.Itwas theyand theirreservesthat fed andguidedAlmagro,Valdivia, andthe restthroughdesertsandglaciers. As late as 1547, 15 yearsafterthe invasion, Polode Ondegardowas still able to feed an armyof 2000 Europeansoldiers forseven weeks with what they found storedin the warehouses at Xauxa. As amanagerialaccomplishment,this system collapsedwithinthe first generationof European ule;with it went thepossibilityof maintaininga macrostructurenthe Andes, independentof the silver and otherexport-orientedmines.


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ANDEAN SOCIETIES 1233. By discussingstorage systemsas partof the two agronomicachievementsof Andeansocieties, I have reached into my thirddimension-the economic,political, and administrative nstitutionsemerging out of the previous two.

Multiethnicsocieties in the Andes grew into quite large polities, both coastalandin the highlands (66). At times, before 1000 AD, suchpolities as WariorTiwanakuachieved considerablesize, including both mountain and desertregions, only to fall apart, revertingto the local kingdoms mappedby thearchaeologists.Less than a centurybeforetheEuropean nvasion, the lordsofCusco were able to forge an even mightier state, reachingover thousandsofmiles andknown as Tawantinsuyu,or in popular erms, the Inkastate. It hasbeen assiduouslystudiedelsewhereandneed not concernus here(14, 27, 94,115, 142, 144). For at least 2000 years, the multiethnicpolities, large andsmall, thatcharacterizedhe Andeanworld manifestedcertaincommonorgani-zationalfeatures-whatever languagesmay have been spokenandwhichevermountain-peak hrinesmay have been worshipped.In conformitywith condi-tions 1 and2 outlinedabove, thesegroupsall hada dispersed("sprinkled"aythe sixteenth century sources) notion of territoriality.Beyond the intimatefamiliaritywith altiplano agricultureand the managementof reserves, all,whetherindividuals,households, kin groups, or kingdoms, triedto diversifytheirholdings. Since mostof thepeople lived abovetimberline, umberhadtobe fetchedfromthe wet lowlandsto the east. The dry, coastal lowlands to thewest provided ish, hotpeppers,andguanofertilizer.On bothslopes one couldplant maize, coca leaf, and othersumptuary ndispensables.Dependingon size andfluctuatingpower circumstances,highland politiesstrove to maintainpermanent utliersof theirownpeoplein amaximumof tiersso as to controldirectlythe territories roviding hegoods theirnuclei couldnotproduce. Frequentlythe peripheral nstallationshad to be shared with otherhighlandgroups,thoughwe still do not understand ow the inevitabletensionsand reaches for hegemony were handled(81, 90).Elsewherein the world, missingnecessities aretheobjectof commerce, butin the Andes people opted for a different approachto exchange. A largekingdom like the Lupaqa, some 20,000 households on the shores of LakeTiticaca, was able to maintainoutlyingcolonies on both slopes (16, 90), butothersof similarmight, such as the Wankaor the Karanqa,were content withperipheralsettlementson the slope nearest their nucleus.This effort to diversifyresidencesandacreage s facilitated n the Andes bythe relative proximity of very differenttiers, each with its own agriculturalcalendar.The "rationality" f ecological complementarityhas been stressedrecently by the GermanscholarJuergenGolte (49). He shows thatthemultipleagriculturalcycles did not overlap, allowing the pooling of geographicallyseparateenergies. Even today, when Andean polities have long been frag-mentedoutof all recognition,it is commonto findhouseholds whose members


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124 MURRAare familiarwith environmentsradicallydifferentfrom their native homes.OscarNuniiez el Prado(97) was one of the first to attractourattention o suchenduringdedicationby highlanderswho maintain heir access to lowlandandintermediate iers. JorgeFlores Ochoa(42) foundthatonly 11%of the house-holds in one town nearLake Titicaca still owned traditionalacreage on thePacific coast, but further nquirybroughtout the fact that the grandfathers fmost had owned such landswell into the twentiethcenturybut had lost theminrecentdecades. Fieldworkdone farther outh within the last ten years (52) haddocumented hat suchcomplementary"archipelagos" re still efficient and canbe maintainedby contemporary armers,even where they are familiar withmarketand mining economies.

In pre-Columbian imes, ecological complementaritywas one of the fun-damentalexplanationsof Andean success. Bornof familiaritywith the minu-tiae of altiplanoconditions, yet able to experimentwhile reachingfor higherandhigherachievements,Andeansocieties produced he inventorsof ch'ufnuandch'arki, a technique hatworkedonly there.Thustheyfilled warehousesataltitudesconsidered inhospitableeverywhereelse. Since the polities with thedensest population, then and now, were centered above 3200 meters, weconsidertheirsuccessfultechnological,economic and social systems unique nthe world.EUROPEANCOLONIZATIONWe still havedifficultyin recognizingmostdetailsof theAndean achievementbecauseso muchof it wasdestroyedcenturiesago. Unlike AfricaorthePacific,wheremassive Europeanpenetrationwas delayeduntilthe nineteenthcentury,permanent oreignsettlement n the Americasbeganalmost five centuriesago.Inthe process, coastal civilizations weredestroyed o the lasthousehold, whilehighland peoples enduredbut in a weakened, "destructured"ondition.The firstto crumblein the Andes was the overarching mpireof Tawantin-suyu, the Inka.A popularexercise, particularlyn the nineteenthcentury,wasthe inquiryinto the reasonsfor such rapiddisintegration.The most plausibleexplanationwas offered independentlyby two Peruvianscholars, WaldemarEspinozaSoriano(39) and EdmundoGuillenGuillen(50). Theynote thatfromthe earliest days of the invasion, in many regions the Europeanswere wel-comed as liberators rom the Inkayoke. While many separatepolities sidedwith Pizarro, the earliest and decisive alliance was struck with the Wanka.Strategically ocatedon the main south-northhighway, in the Mantarovalleynearpresent-dayXauxa, the Wankaarereported o have numberedmore than30,000 households.Havingsuffered romInkaoverlordship, hey provided heEuropeanswith food, humanbearers,and llamas, plus soldiers, both womenandmen. The Wanka-Spanish lliance lastedfor more than a decadeandwas


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ANDEAN SOCIETIES 125crucial n the establishmentof theEuropean egime.The invaders elt so safe inWanka territory hat their first capital was located at Xauxa.The Inkamay have disappearedearly from the political landscape,but themany ethnic groups they once had ruled asserted themselves and played animportant ole duringthe earlydecadesafter 1532, when the Europeanswerestill few in number. As elsewhere in the Americas, the coastal societiesvanished; the highlandersremained the only source of manpower and foodrequiredby the invading armies, particularly s these spent most of their timefighting each other.Manya highlandlord found himself temporarily icherandmore powerfulthanhe had ever been; theytookreadily ohorses, firearms,and silkhose. Theyalso startedplantationsof Europeancrops-vineyards or barley. Most of theinternal, ong-distance rade o the new miningcenterswas in theirhands; heylent and borrowedmoney, employed Europeansas clerks and artisans,mas-teredreadingand writingand even court behavior(9, 93, 99).Some of the European clergy, appalledby the depopulation (26) whichbeganto reachthe highlands, urgedthe king andthe Council of the Indies inValladolid to prohibitEuropeansettlement; f the countrywere to be turnedoverto theethnicauthorities, os senoresnaturales,the "natural"ordsguaran-teed much highercrown revenues.

The settlerswon thatbattle,but a studyof theperiod 1548 to 1568, when adebatewas stillpossible, providesus with new insights,unavailable lsewhere,into the functioningof Andean societies. The closest allies of the Europeans,the lords of the Wanka,sued in the highestcourtin the land, the Audiencia ofLos Reyes, for relief fromhavingto acceptresidentEuropeanadministrators.In supportof theirsuit, they introduced nto the recordsworntestimonybasedon khipu knotkeeping, where they had kept trackof everythingcontributedsince 1533 to theEuropean ause, and, separately,everything heinvadershadpillaged. In 1558, therewas no reluctance n the European udiciaryto acceptevidence transcribed rom an Andean calculator(38, 92).The Wanka ordslost their suit but appealed o the crown council in Spain.Oneof theyoungerWankamen, fluentin Spanish,made his way to ValladolidandBarcelona,presentedhis case to PhillipII, andarguednotonly forredressof grievancesbut also for new privileges, unavailablebefore 1532, such as therightto buy andsell land. The king grantedsome of the requestsand a coat ofarms to the petitioner'sgrandfather.Otherspetitionedsuccessfully for the returnof outliers on the coast whichhad been granted in encomienda to adventurersby viceroys who did notunderstand he "sprinkled"use of Andean landholdings.This was also theperiodwhenmessianic movements ike theTakiUnquy,the"dancing llness,"flourished, aimed at the regenerationof Andean societies while absorbingEuropeanreligious notions (32, 80).


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126 MURRABy this time most Andean eaders who hadbeen adults n 1532 andfamiliarwith pre-Europeanmacroorganizationwere dying out. 1568 is a convenientdate for separating he decades immediatelyafterthe invasion from the truecolonial period which opened with the arrivalof the Jesuits and of viceroyFrancisco de Toledo, kin to the duke of Alba. During the long colonialcenturies hatfollowed, highlandethnicgroupsweresystematicallycutup andimpoverished.Beyondthewell-knownEuropean upidityand the silver mines(13, 63), themost seriousblow cameinToledo'sreign.He wasthe firstviceroyto spend yearsin thehighlands, awayfromcourt. He ordereda detailedcensusof the populationandits resources and learnedhow to utilize knowledgeablepersonnelamongthe early bureaucrats, ome with 25 or moreyearsof service

in the Andes, who had fathomed the sources of Andeanwealth.Learningof therole played by ecological complementarityn theprosperityof Andeansocieties, Toledoordered hatthe whole populationbe resettled ntoreducciones, "reducing" he number of settlements controlledby an ethnicgroup into larger, more accessible towns, an early variantof "strategicvil-lages" (68). Beyond the original invasion, this was the most telling measureagainstAndeanefficiency. Some of the outliers had alreadybeen lost before1568-those onthecoast becauseof encomiendagrants,while others nthewetlowlands were grabbedby coca-leaf planters.The growing populationof thelargest city in the New World, Potosi, requiredvast quantitiesof the leaf;althoughsome of thesupplierswere Andean ords,mostof the trafficeventual-ly fell into Europeanhands.Two centuries elapsed between 1581, when Toledo returned from hisAndeanpost and the greatrebellionsthat shook the vice royaltyin 1781. ForAndean societies, these two centuries were a period of gradualerosion ofresources, population,anddegreeof self-government.We find signs of resis-tance but also of accommodation. In 1615, Waman Puma petitioned thefaraway king and listed his people's grievanceson 1200 pages of which 400were illustrations(96) but the suggestions for improvementwhich he madewere much less drastic than those suggested by Dominican friars 50 yearsearlier.Inthe 1580s, colonial archiveswerefull of petitionsby people claimingtitles andprivileges:"we arethe dukes andmarquisesof thisland.. .." By 1600,the European egimewas consolidated; housandsof adults,bornin the Andesof mixed American, European, and African descent, had nowhere to berepatriated o, and no one arguedthat the countrybe returned o its naturallords.

However,when thegreatrebellioncame, only a few decades before the warsof independence,it had an underlyingAndean, even Inka, justification. Theearly leader,Jose GabrielThupaAmaru,could claim descent fromthe Cuscoroyal family (45, 116, 117, 127). While there is evidence that he thoughtbeyond the Andean majorityin planningthe uprising, as it rolled over the


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ANDEANSOCIETIES 127altiplano he movementacquireda separatist,ethnic content.The siege of thecity of La Paz, which successfully cut it off fromthe restof the vice-royalty,was eventually lifted because of ethnic dissension between the AymaraandQuechuabesiegers(138). Modemhistoriansare still debating f the uprisingof1781was aprologueto republican ndependence hatcame soon afterward r ifit followed a separate, Andeandrummer 15, 57, 106, 131).REPUBLICANINSTITUTIONSThefourrepublicswithAndeanpopulationswhich inherited hespaceoccupiedby the vice-royaltyhave followed differentpolicies in governingtheiraborigi-nal citizens. Thus we can find proclamationsaskingfor support n Quechua,issued by GeneralSanMartin nwhattodayis Argentina;we would have a hardtimelocatingtheirequivalent n whattodayis Peru,even though ts populationspeaking that languagewas muchlarger(11 1). In general, the fate of Andeansocieties in republican imes is only a marginal subject in the writingof theseparatenationalhistories.A feature common to all four republics is the "Bolivarian" egislationattemptingo "modernize"Andeansocieties by breakingupwhatorganizationwas still functioningbeyondthevillage andhousehold evel. Reciprocalaccessand rights to land and humanenergy by a historicallyverifiable group wasparticularlydistastefulto nineteenthcentury ideologues: legislation was re-peatedly passed stressing individual tenure and liability for personal, cashtaxes. A recentworkby Platt(109) offers a detailedaccountof the resistance osuch efforts duringthe last 150 years by the inhabitantsof NorthernPotosi.After independencebut before 1843, the several ethnic groups inhabitingChayanta province had been enumeratedand had paid their tribute frominformationgatheredby a single traditionalAymaraleader. From that dateonward, the Boliviangovernmentchallengedthe province-wideauthorityandinsisted that each ethnic group, known in Chayantaas an ayllu, hand inseparately he figuresneededto calculate heirobligations.This createdendlessdifficulties. GiventheEuropeanmisconceptionsover what couldpossibly be agroup's "territory,"he nineteenthcenturytax-collectorsdid not understandthata given ayllu's landandpeople lived dispersedover manykilometers andon differentecological tiers. As conceivedby the inhabitants, heir "territory"was locatedin thejurisdictionof differentenumerators.Eachinspector riedtocollect in "his"region;theayllu segmentsresisted. Each felt that one paymentat its altiplano headquarters ook care of all their dependent settlements,whereverfound.Since the"indigenous ribute"was such an importantpartof staterevenues,the authorities, frequentlypressuredby externalevents such as the war withChile, wouldyield andaccept singleaccountsandpayments roma multitiered


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128 MURRAgroup (108). Many of the polities in Aymara-speaking ountry managed tohang on to theirvallada outliersuntil the LandReformAct of 1952, when thelegislatorsclassified such holdings as "estates,"thus making them liable toconfiscation(69). Fortunately, his law was not enforcedin NorthernPotosi,wherethe population as canbe seen from themap, Figure1) kepttheircontrolof the traditionalmultiethnicacreage in the warmcountry (52).The nineteenth enturywas also theperiodwhen indigenousgroupsbegan tofeel growing pressure rom estates andother ormsof capitalistenterprisen thecountryside.Haciendasof variouskinds had existed since colonial times;withthe growth of an urban marketand the export of wool, new entrepreneursinvestedin landwhich the Andeanpopulationconsideredtheirown. At timesthe estates had been carved out of ethnic territoriesby corruptindigenousleaders.It is true thatthe centraland southernAndesnever suffered from a militarycampaignto de-Indianize he republicsuch as took place in the northernmostpartof the cordillera.Butthe attitudesprevailingamongthe creole elites of thecentralAndes were not much different.Since the Andeanpopulationformedthe vast majorityof total numbersin Bolivia, Ecuador, and Peru, intensepressurewas broughtby the schools, the churches,the armedforces, andthemass media against "backwardness."This was identified with Andean lan-guage, dress, settlementpattern,andparticularly gainstremnantsof regionalor ethnic autonomy.These pressures ed to numerouspeasantrebellions-the beststudyof such amovementwill be foundin RamiroCondarcoMorales'sZdrate,el "temible"willka,now in its second, enlargededition(23). By the 1920s and1930s, therewas a wide perception hatsomethingnew should be done in the countryside;indigenista novels like Jorge Icaza's Huasipungo (54) or Ciro Alegria's Elmundoes anchoy ajeno (3) brought heplightof Andeansocieties to thenoticeof a continentaland internationalaudience.Oneof themost calculated nstitutional esponses o Andeanrebellionswas alaw settingup comunidades ndfgenasin Peruin the 1920s. PresidentLeguiawas inhis secondterm;he hadgainedareputation s a "modernizer"eforethefirstWorldWar, a periodwhich saw numerouspeasantuprisings (107, 110).He felt, the second time around,that there was an opportunity o bring thecountry into the twentieth century. The effort to destroy what was left ofAndean self-government,earlierseen as facilitatingthe rebellions, was pre-sented now as a defense of the "communities"against outsiders' encroach-ments.Thisnew comunidadhadto be created,much as Toledohadcreated hereducciones in the 1570s. Under the law its territory,carved out of theremainingacreageof the ethnic group, would be mappedandthe new limitsguaranteedagainstoutside encroachments.Community eaders would be des-ignatedand accountability ntroduced 73).


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ANDEAN SOCIETIES 129OAkasyU

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130 MURRAIn the last 50 years, several thousandsettlementshave takenadvantageofthis law, frequently earingapart arger,commonresources-pastures, canals,distantlowland holdings. On a single mountainslope, at Cuyo Cuyo in thedepartmentof Puno, where there was no hacienda threat, we find three"recognizedcommunities"and one still unrecognized,all within sight of eachother. Fortunately,none of them lost the lowland terracesplanted to maizewhich belonged to Cuyo Cuyo as a whole. The anthropologistwho studiedthe region did not inquireinto what was lost in gaining state "recognition"(17).The applicationof the law encouraged he emergenceof a two-tierarrange-mentof leaders: hoseappointedbythegovernmentaccording o thenew ley de

comunidadesand those elected eachyearby theinhabitants ndinaugurated nthe firstof January.The Peruvianscholar,GabrielEscobar,has studied howauthorityhas been dividedbetween the two sets of leaders(37). Mangin (70)found thateven wherehighlandersmigrate o the cities andthe governmentofthe daydoes not toleratemunicipalelections, shantytownsnearLimacontinueto inaugurate heir local leaderseach January.THE STUDY OF CONTEMPORARYSOCIETIESThereis no reasonto attribute he long-lasting predilectionof anthropologistsfor communitystudies to the legislation setting up comunidades ndigenas. Infact, in the late 1930s, whenethnographicieldworkby professionalsbegan inthe Andes, the investigatorsdid not necessarilyfocus on particular ocalitiesbut ratheron the more traditionaldimensions of culturehistoryor "descriptiveintegration."When these foreign scholarsbegan fieldworkthey had at their disposal alimited literature:he sixteenthcenturyeyewitnessaccountswhichdealtonly inpassingwith particular thnicgroups. They providedno access to administra-tive recordsorthe house-to-house nspectionsfrom the sameperiod(28, 101).The last one hadactuallybeenprintednLima in 1920-25 buthad beenignoredby anthropologistsand historiansalike. From the contact period the readerjumpedto the nineteenthcenturytravelers'or geographers'accounts-some-times very perceptivebut episodic. There were also folklore collections likeParedes's(104) orthose sponsoredby archaeologistJulio Tello (130). A usefulexceptionwas the Revista Universitariaof Cusco, whichprintedshortreportsof inquiriesconductedby its students in the immediatevicinity.

In his recentMemorias,LuisValcaircel136) recallsthe firstthreedecadesofthiscenturyas a periodwhenCusco was a majorcenterof literaryandpoliticalmovements discovering and defending the Andean dimension as a living,practicalforce in planningthe Peruvianfuture. It would come as a storm;Tempestaden los Andes (137) has been rediscovered again and again by


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ANDEAN SOCIETIES 131successive generations. In his memoirs, Valcaircelgives ample credit to aPennsylvania Dutch academic, Albert Giesecke, who around 1900 foundhimselfboth mayorof Cusco andrectorof itsuniversity.Thoughaforeigner,ormaybe because of it, he stressed a concern for local geography, history,archaeology, and the contemporary ondition of the Andeanpopulation. By1930, bothGiesecke andValcaircel ad movedto Lima;Cusco hasneveragainbeen the leadingcenter in Andeanstudiesfor which it seemeddestined.In theearly 1940s, the presencethereof anotherNorthAmerican,JohnRowe, led tothe formationof an anthropologydepartmentandlibrary; ome of the resear-chers trainedthen have alreadybeen mentioned:OscarNuniiez el PradoandGabrielEscobar.

In Lima, after 1930, Luis Valcaircelplayed a majorrole in encouragingAndean studies. He hadestablishedcontacts in Limaeven before he migrated,particularlywith the groupsaroundJose CarlosMariaitegui nd Luis AlbertoSanchez. An important igure in pro-Andeancircles in the capitalwas Hilde-brandoCastroPozo, who visualizedthe "survivals" f theaylluas anassetinaneventual transition o a morejust andcooperative, moreAndeansociety (21,22).Like Giesecke in Cusco, Valcaircel n Lima started a journal, Revista delMuseoNacional, now in its fiftiethyear;he also set uptheonly anthropologicallibrary devoted to Andean studies and open to all. When the first U.S.fieldworkersarrivedustbefore thesecond WorldWar,therewas aninstitutionand some researchpersonnelto welcome them.Three early studies in the field by U.S. anthropologistsdeserve mention:1. LaBarre'sstudy of the Aymaraat Lake Titicaca (61) surveyed ethno-graphicpracticesin several altiplanoprovinces. It containssuggestive data onkinship and marriage,but deals also with potato classification (60) by theinhabitantsandotherproceduresof folk science. An importantqualityfor thetime is LaBarre's familiarity with the scattered literature,particularly byscholars in La Paz, Cochabamba,and Sucre.2. Mishkin undertooka partialstudyof Kauri,a village in Quispicanchis,south of Cusco, a Quechua-speakingarea. His work's chief merit has beenmethodological.Indifficultcircumstances,Mishkincollecteddetailed, home-ly materialson peasant ife even thoughhe hadnotmastered he language. Thestudywas longusedin Spanish ranslationnPeruvianuniversities,notbecauseof the revelations it contained but for its field methodology (82, 83).3. Tschopik'sstudyof magicinChucuitowas alsodonethrough nterpreters,but it is based on muchlongerresidence in thefield. A secondmonograph,onlakesideeconomics, remainedunfinishedatTschopik's death. His analysiswashandicappedby the unavailabilityof the 1567 inspectionof the Lupaqaking-dom (28), of which Chucuitohadbeen thecapitalbeforeit became the villagehe knew (24, 134).


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132 MURRAWhateverthe impactof these early monographselsewhere, in the Andeanrepublics they were revelations. Debate centeredon the advantages, real oralleged, of participantobservation n the studyof such domestic details. The

debate became institutionalized n the late forties when Valcaircelbecameminister of education. In office he was able to move the study of Andeansocieties to a new level; he hadthe ministryapproveanofficial method for thewritingof Quechua, strengthened he Museumof Culture,and inauguratedadepartment f anthropologynthe Universidadde San Marcos.The intellectualand pedogogic framework utilized was the familiar one elsewhere in theAmericas where archaeology and contemporaryethnology are consideredtactics of the same major endeavor. Such innovations began to attract toAndean studies many young people, many of them of ruralbackgroundandfluent in the vernacular anguages.Inarchaeology,thestaffwerenationals:JulioTello, ToribioMejia, and laterJorgeMuelle. By the late 1950s a generationof youngerarchaeologistswere inplace, andthese have beenthe leadersof thedisciplineuntiltoday. Inethnolo-gy, social anthropology,andethnohistory he processwas slower because thestaff were foreigners, frequentlyon very shortassignments. I will single outtwo of them who devotedyearsto the creationof a nationalcadre of scholars.George Kubler s the one best remembered.An art historianon assignmentfromthe SmithsonianInstitution,he encouragedmanynew approaches o thestudyof Andeansocieties andinitiated he students nto a varietyof scholarlytechniques.The ecclesiastic repositoryat the archbishop'spalacewas used toget dataon the seventeenthcentury campaignsto "extirpate dolatries." Notonly did students earnto readcolonial Spanishscript,but the arrangement fthe informationby ethnicgroup providednew dimensions to Andean studies.Hope arose for Andeanhistoryto bridgethe apparentgap in our informationbetween what was reportedby the eyewitnesses of the invasion andthe muchlaternineteenthcenturytravelers.Kubler also encouraged excavations in the enormous accumulationsofguanoon the islands lining the desertcoast, at a time when archaeologywasstill obsessed with monumentsand tombs. San Marcospioneeredthe studyofprehistoricminingof the humble fertilizerdepositsusedby Andean societies,both highland and coastal (58). Kubleralso stimulatedthe study of demo-graphic history which has flourishedsince (59).The studyof livingAndeansocieties, after he threepioneeringmonographs,was also fosteredby developmentsat San Marcos. The leading figure in thisadvancewas Allan Holmberg, laterat CornellUniversity. At firsthe was theethnologist of the coastal Viru valley project sponsoredby the InstituteofAndeanResearch,createdin New Yorkby Julio Tello in 1936 (129); in thatworkHolmbergwelcomedtheparticipation f OscarNuniiezel Prado romthe


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ANDEANSOCIETIES 133Cuscogroupand of JorgeMuelleof Valcaircel'smuseum.Somewhat ater eamtrainingat San Marcosprovided Holmbergwith his chief associate for almosttwo decades, Mario Vaizquez.Together they centered their researchon theCallejonde Huaylas, in the department f Ancash. It was MarioVa\zquezwhothoughtuptheVicos project,which was to attract o muchattention ater(139,140).Vicos is a highlandsettlement; t was neithera "free"comunidad n the legalsense until 1962 norpartof an estate. It becameavailableto the investigatorsbecause it belonged to the Sociedad de Beneficencia of the neighboringcity ofHuaraz and was rentedout periodicallyto create the revenues which wouldunderwritehe beneficientworkcontemplatedby theagency. Twice Vicos wasrentedout for five-year periods to what came to be known as the Peru-Cornellproject. The newly formed anthropologydepartmentat Cornell Universitystressed the applicationof anthropological nsights to currentproblems; atVicos, HolmbergandVaizquezattemptedo foster economic developmentandself-government. Crucial supportcame from Dr. Carlos Monge, an earlystudentof humanbiology atvery high altitudes,who representedhe Peruviangovernment (29, 31, 53, 72, 125, 126).A largenumberof both PeruvianandU.S. studentsof Andeansocieties havespent time at Vicos; a good deal of polemical materialhas been generated nboth countries.A good introductions a retrospectiveglanceby Mangin (71),who stressesthe contributionof the Vicosinos themselvesas they took advan-tage of the opportunitiesprovided by outside attention.During hefirstdecadeof its functioning,Valcaircel's nstituteatSan Marcostrainedotherethnologists, manyof them stillactivetoday.I will singleoutonlytwo colleagues, whose careers differed significantly but who made crucialcontributions o our understandingof contemporaryAndean societies: JoseMatos Mar and Jose MariaArguedas.

Matos had begun as a student of Kubler;his chief interest was in thecontemporaneous indigenous comunidades. In the early 1950s, brief butnumerousfieldworkpartiesconcentratedon the inhabitantsof mountain vil-lages above Lima; eventually, coastal settlements were included in thesesurveys.In theprologueto a collection of fieldreportsdating rom1955, Matosstatedhis creed:The communitiesarea continuationof the indigenousayllu that were restructured ftertheconquestandthe periodof Spanishdomination.This culturalblendingdid notprevent heirsurvival into republicantimes; only duringthe very last few decades has their structuresuffered serious upheavals which tend to disintegratethem-both internallyand in theirarticulationwithin the national framework-because it forces contradictoryfacts uponthem.Theirpopulation s notpurely ndigenous,neitherraciallyorculturally .. Moreand moreof theirmembers peak Spanishandparticipatenthe widersociety.... Despitesuchnotablechanges, the comunidadesas basic socialcells, havemaintained vitalcommunity-oriented,


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134 MURRAcollectivist attitude hrough heprevalenceof workingasagroup,mutualaidandcommunityefforts ... This tenaciousresistance o the social andculturallyalienatingpressures ndicatethatwe confronta social organizationof greatvitalityandmajor mportance orthefutureofthe country . . . (74).Most of these reportswere firstprinted n theRevista del Museo Nacional;later Matos expandedhis field workto the altiplano(11, 75), to the island ofTaquilein LakeTiticaca, whose 600 or so inhabitantshadlong been peons ofthe owners from the mainland.In the 1950s, takingadvantageof theprovincialmiddle classes' eagerness o financetheirmigration o thecities, the inhabitantsof the islandbought t backwith theirown earnings n thegrowingurbanworld(76). This procedurewas matchedby a similar effort by the weavers in the

seven hamletssurroundinghecityof Otavalo,inthe northernAndes, who alsoretrievedtheir own acreagealienatedby the estates (118).In 1963, Matos Mar and five colleagues created the Institutode EstudiosPeruanos,a privateresearchandpublishingorganization,supportedby a widerange of European, Canadian,and U.S. foundations.In its first 20 years theInstitutohas publishedover 150 titles, includingmonographs,social surveys,historical analyses, bibliographies, and other books dealing with Andeansocieties pastandpresent.A majoreffortwere the evaluationsof theextensiveland reforms promoted by the military governmentsof the 1970s (77); the"officialization" f Quechuaby the sameregimeled to thepublicationof half adozen dictionariesandas many grammars.Recentlythe Institutoextended itsresearchandpublicationprograms othe otherAndeanrepublics 10, 84, 108).TheInstituto'scatalogue,withmosttitleskeptinprint, s unmatchedanywherein the Andes in its breadthof interests and in sheer volume.One of the people joining Matos in the creation of the Instituto was JoseMariaArguedas, alreadywell known as anovelistwhenhe enrolled,atage 40,in Valcaircel'snew anthropologydepartmentn San Marcos. He studied withthe sameforeignteachersasMatosandtookpart ntheethnographic xcursionsto neighboringvalleys. Young highlanderswere numerous n the group, butfew had hadArguedas'sintimatecontactwith indigenous ife or his passionatecommitment o theirAndeanfuture.Infact, in the 1930s, when he firstcame toLima, his intentionhad been to write his fiction in Quechua.A good exercise for a studentof the Andes whocomes fromanthropologysto compareArguedas'snovelswith his ownearlymonographs,whichfrequent-ly dealwith the same comunidad 4, 5). As inhis fiction, Arguedasstresses thevitalityandthe abilityof Andeansocietiesto takeinitiatives, even handling heurbanandcapitalistworld. Not contentwithmerely defendingthemselves, thepeople have undertaken he constructionof many kilometersof road, usingtraditional echniquesof managementand mutual aid.Arguedas was also the first to conduct field researchin Spain (7) in anattempt o clarifyrelationsbetween the lives leadbyrural olk in theAndesand


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ANDEAN SOCIETIES 135ruralorganizationat the former imperial center. Earlier he had played animportant ole in recordingAndeanmusic andalso in editingan internationaljournal,FolkloreAmericano.Alone in his environment,Arguedasargued oraliterarydestinyfor bothAymaraandQuechua(6); late in life, all thepoetry hepublishedwas in the latter anguage.He has notbeen replacedas a participantand an observerof Andean societies since his death in 1969 (95).The contrastbetweenArguedas'swork and the studiesof othersconcernedwith Andean societies clarifies some of the contradictoryapproaches o thetasks aheadprevailing n the severalrepublics, particularlyhose with Andeanmajorities.The bulk of the research n the 1960s stressedthe obvious fact thatthe Andeanpopulationsformed a peasantry, exploited in manifold ways bylandlords, commercial interests, and government officials. If they werepeasants, then the vast, world-wide literatureon that social stratumcould beappliedto the Andes, sometimes even with relevance.Practicehas shown, however, thata stresson the universalshasrelieved theinvestigatorfrom learningthe languageor the local history, from doing pro-tractedand repeatedfieldwork, or otherwise discovering the specificity ofAndeanorganization.In so faras ethnicitywas a factor, it has frequentlybeenseen as partof "backwardness," nly now this putdowncould be justified as"social science." Claims that the "Indians"are no longer a majorityof thepopulation are frequentlyheard in academic circles of Ecuador and Peru.Duringhis life, Arguedaswas frequentlythe targetof jokes and sermonsonhow to improve his novels whenever he mentioned the tenacity of Andeancontinuities,even inthecity. Characteristically, e dealtwithhispersecutorsna poem, in Quechua, Huk DoctorkunamanQayay (8), "A Call upon someDoctors."Even if its aims werefrequentlydiluted n the 1960s and 1970s, anthropolo-gy saw an increase in the numbers of fieldworkers,both local and foreign.Cusco, which hadalways stayedaloof frommost Limainitiatives,has gener-ated some interestingprogramsof itsown. NuniiezelPradoundertookaprojectin appliedanthropologyatKuyoChico(98). As one of thebest speakersof thelanguage among city people, Nufiezwas able to tryouta varietyof projects,inall of which the local village organizationwas treatedas anasset. Some effortsdealt with economic improvements,health,andliteracy n the mother ongue,buthigheston Nuniez's istof prioritieswas freeingthe inhabitants romseveralsemilegal prestationsexacted since colonial times by nearbytownpeople. Astudentof his and of Rowe, the ethnologistFlores Ochoa initiatedlong-termresearch ntoherdingsocieties (44), arguing hat native animalhusbandrywasboth ancientand independentof agriculturaldomestication. Severaljournalssurvive in Cusco, amongthemAntropologfaAndina, AllpanchisPhuturinqa,andRevistaAndina.Foreign studentsattracted o contemporaryAndean societies in the Cusco


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136 MURRAregion numbera dozenor more. I will mentiononly a few projects hat seem tooffer interestingapproachesor compile new dataand thus give us a notion ofthe range of their activities (additionalreferencescan be found in alternateyears in the Social Science volumes of theHandbookof LatinAmericanStud-ies):1. The Spanishuniversities'studyof Chincheromobilized colleagues fromSevilla, Barcelona,and Madrid. Once the residence of an Inkaroyal lineage,Chincheroplayedanimportant ole during heThupaAmarurebellion (1781),whenits lordPumacahua ided with the distantcrownagainsthiskinsman, onlyto rebel in turn25 yearslater(127). TheSpanish eamstudied he archaeology,history, and contemporaryethnology of Chinchero(25, 40).

2. The valley of Yucayor Urubambawas alsoroyal acreagebefore 1532. Intime it became a place wherelargehaciendasflourished, producingmaize forthe market,while the Indian communitieswere crowded off the valley flooronto themountain ides. Forthe lastdecade,AntoinetteMolinie-Fioravanti asbeen conducting field and historical researchin the valley; her monograph(85) includes an evaluationof the recent decade of far-reachingagrarianre-form.3. Two studentsof Zuidema at the University of Illinois have producedfirst-classmonographs.GaryUrtonhasstudied heperceptionof theheavensascontemplated by present-dayAndean villagers (135). There are remarkablecontinuitieswith whatwe learnof Andeanastronomy rom sixteenthcenturyeyewitnesses. JeanetteSherbondyhas studiedcontemporaryrrigationworks inthelightof what was known of theimportance f waterdistributionn the socialand religious organizationof Cusco (122). Both monographsare models ofcontemporary ield research that is fully aware of historicalcontinuities topre-Columbian onditions.Finally, sincethelandreformprogram ponsoredbythemilitarygovernmentof the 1970swas intensively applied nthe Cuscoregion, astudyof itseffect onAndean societies can be found in Guillet (51).The studyof Andeansocieties at theUniversityof Ayacuchohasflickeredonand off ever since it was reorganized n the early 1960s. EfrainMoroteBestencouragedfieldwork much as he had done at Cusco, where he edited Tradi-cion, ajournalof Andeanfolklore. He invited aNetherlandsnvestigator,R. T.Zuidema,to conductfield researchunderthe sponsorshipof the Organizationof American States. This eventuallyled to the formationof a research eamoflocal students, some of whom have continued fieldwork (103, 145). Later,U.S. studentsalso tookpart,andatleast one good monographs available(55).It relatesritual behaviorto the daily life in the village of Chuschi and followsthe migrantsfrom it to the squattersettlements near Lima.A researchandpublicationcenterthathasgrownin importancehasbeenthe


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ANDEANSOCIETIES 137InstitutFran,aisd'EtudesAndinesin Lima,which atfirstsponsoreda seriesofmiscellaneousTravauxand in recentyears has addeda very useful quarterlyBulletin. The Institutecombinesaninterest ngeology andgeography 30) withAndeanhistoryandcontemporary illagelife. A majorstudyof the seventeenthcentury campaigns to destroy Andean religions was published by PierreDuviols (33).Two other historicalpublishingefforts arecenteredin Lima. One is at theInstitutode Estudios Peruanos, whereMariaRostworowskihas broughtout awhole series of extremely useful essays on the peoples of the Andean coast(113, 114) and where othershave tried out several approaches o an Andeanhistory (119, 123, 124, 141). Anotherresearchcenter has grown up at theUniversidadCatolica, where FranklinPease has edited the journalHist6ricaandhas arguedfor the incorporation f the Andeanpopulationand its destinythrough he colonial and modem centuries ntoa single, a diachronicendeavor(105).Also at Catholic University, in a separate center, Ossio and Mayer havedirectedsocial anthropological esearch.Some of theirpublicationshave dealtwith symbolism (100, 102) andreligion,whichhave been somewhatneglectedin this survey. Their main contributionhas been the ready acceptance fortrainingof younger colleagues from other Andeanrepublics.

This brings us back to where this survey began: the Universidad de SanMarcos,also in Lima. ValcairceletiredandMatosMarandhisteam wereeasedout at thetime themilitaryregimetookpowerin the late 1960s. Anthropologyandhistorywere now proclaimed uperannuatednd blended n with sociologyinto a single "social science." Althoughsuch amalgamation oes not encouragefield research, some of the staff have persevered. Montoya (86, 87) andFonsecaMartel(47) have taken their students nto the countryside o observethe consequencesof the impositionof sociedades agrarias de interes social(SAIS) upon the old comunidadesby the military authorities,to replace theestates. Fonseca has also published the results of his earlier fieldwork inChaupiwaranga 46) and has collaborated with Enrique Mayer (79), of theUniversidadCatolica, in a thoroughstudyof the whole Cafietevalley, fromitsinception above 4000 meters to the irrigated ields at its mouth.Literature Cited

1. Alarc6n, M. de [1567] 1964. Testimonyofferedin the visita. In Visitahecha a laProvinciade Chucuitopor Garci Diez deSan Miguel en el afio 1567, pp. 138-43,162-67. Lima: Casa de la CulturadelPern. 444 pp.2. AIbo, X., ed. 1985. Los aymara. Paris:UNESCO

3. Alegrfa, C. [1941] 1955. El mundo esancho y ajeno. Santiago de Chile: Edi-ciones Ercilla. 725 pp.4. Arguedas, J. M. 1940. Yawarfiesta.Lima: Cia de Impresiones. 160 pp.5. Arguedas,J. M. 1956. Puquio, unacul-tura en proceso de cambio. Rev. Mus.Nac. Lima 25:5-35


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138 MURRA6. Arguedas,J. M., ed. 1966. Mesa redon-da sobre el monolinguismoquechua yaymaray la educaci6nen el Peru. Lima:Casa de la Culturadel Peru. 144 pp.7. Arguedas,J. M. 1968. Las comunidadesde Espafiay del Peru. Lima: Univ. Nac.Mayor San Marcos. 354 pp.8. Arguedas, J. M. 1972. Katatay. Lima:Inst. Nac. Cult. 110 pp.9. Assadourian,C. S. 1983. Dominiocolo-nial y seinores tnicosen el espacioandi-no. HISLA,Rev. Latinoam.Hist. Econ.Soc. 1:7-20.10. Assadourian,C. S. 1982.El sistemade laeconom(acolonial: mercado nterno,re-glamentos y espacio econ6mico. Lima:Inst. Estud. Peru339 pp.

11. Avalos de Matos, R. 1951. L'Organisa-tion sociale danl'ile de Taquile.TravauxInst. EtudesAndines3:74-8712. Aveni, A. F. 1982.HorizonastronomynInca Cuzco. InArchaeoastronomyn theAmericas, ed. R. A. Williamson, pp.305-18. Los Altos Calif: Ballena13. Barnadas,J. M. 1973. Charcas:or(geneshist6ricos de una sociedad colonial. LaPaz: CIPCA. 635 pp.14. Baudin, L. 1928. L'Empiresocial desInka. Paris:Inst. Etnol. 282 pp.15. Bonilla, H., et al. 1981. La independen-cia en el Peru. Lima: Inst. Estud. Peru.240 pp.16. Bouysse-Cassagne, T. 1978. L'espaceaymara:urco et uma.Ann.E.S.C. 33(5-6):1057-8017. CaminoD. C., A. 1980. Tiempoy espa-cio en la estrategiade subsistenciaandi-na: un caso en las vertientes orientalessur-peruanos.See Ref. 81, pp. 11-3818. Cardich,A. 1975. Agricultura pastoresen Lauricocha los limitessuperioresdelcultivo. Rev. Mus. Nac., Lima 41:11-3619. Cardich, A. 1981. El fen6meno de lasfluctuacionesde los limitessuperioresdelcultivo en los Andes:su importancia.Re-laciones 14: Buenos Aires: SociedadArgentinade Antropologia20. Carrasco, P. 1982. The political econ-omy of the Aztec and Inca states. In TheInca and Aztec States1400-1800, ed. G.A. Collier, R. I. Rosaldo, J. D. Wirth,pp. 23-40. New York: Academic. 475PP.21. CastroPozo, H. 1924. Nuestra comun-idad ind(gena. Lima: Editorial ElLucero. 498 pp.22. CastroPozo, H. 1946. Social and econo-mico-politicalevolutionof thecommuni-ties of Central Peru. In Handbook ofSouthAmericanIndians, ed. J. H. Ste-ward,2:483-99. Bur. Am. Ethnol. Bull.143. Washington:US GPO. 1033 pp.

23. CondarcoM., R. 1970-71. El escenarioandino y el hombre. La Paz. 580 pp.24. Condarco M., R. 1978. Reflexionesacerca del eco-sistema vertical andino.Avances 1:65-74 (La Paz, Bolivia)25. Contreras, . 1980. La valoraci6ndel tra-bajoen una comunidadcampesinade lasierra peruana. Boletin Americanista30:41-68 (Barcelona,Spain)26. Cook, N. D. 1981. Demographic Col-lapse: Indian Peru, 1520-1620. NewYork:Cambridge.310 pp.27. Cunow,H. 1896. Die SozialeVerfassungdes Inkareichs,Eine UntersuchungdesAltperuanischen Agrarkommunismus.Stuttgart:Deitz. 118 pp.28. Diez de San Miguel, G. [1567] 1964.Visita hecha a la provincia de Chucuitopor Garci Diez de San Miguel en el afio1567. Lima:Casa de la Culturadel Peru.335 pp.29. Dobyns, H., Doughty,P., Lasswell, H.,eds. 1971. Peasants, Power andAppliedSocial Change;Vicos as a Model. Bever-ly Hills: Sage. 237 pp.30. Dollfus, 0. 1981. El reto del espa-cio andino. Lima: Inst. Estud. Peru.141 pp.31. Doughty, P. 1968. Huaylas: an AndeanDistrict in Search of Progress. Ithaca,NY: Cornell. 284 pp.32. Duviols, P. 1967. Un ineditde Crist6balde Albornoz. J. Soc. Americanistes,Paris 56a:7-1733. Duviols, P. 1971. La luttecontre es reli-gions autochtonesdansle Peroucolonial.Institut Francais de'Etudes Andines,Paris, Lima Travaux13. 426 pp.34. Earls,J. 1978. Evoluci6nde la adminis-traci6necol6gica Inca. Rev. Mus. Nac.Lima 42: 207-4535. Earls,J. 1979. Astronomfa ecologfa:lasincronizaci6n alimenticia del mafz.Allpanchis 14:117-38 (Cuzco, Peru)36. Earls, J., Silverblatt,I. 1981. Sobre lainstrumentaci6n e la cosmovisi6n Incaen el sitio arqueol6gico de Moray. InRunakunapKawsayninkupaqRurasqan-junaqa:La tecnologfaen el mundoandi-no, ed. H. Lechtman, A. M. Soldi,1:433-74. Mexico: Univ. Nac. Auton.Mexico. 496 pp.37. EscobarMoscoso, G. 1961. La estruc-turapolftica rural del DepartamentodePuno. Cuzco, Peru:Univ. San AntonioAbad. 78 pp.38. EspinozaSoriano,W. 1971. LosHuancaaliados de la conquista. Huancayo:Univ. Nac. Cent. 698 pp.39. EspinozaSoriano,W. 1973. La destruc-ci6n del imperiode los Incas. Lima: Re-tablo de papel. 290 pp.40. EstevaFabregat,C. 1972.Ayni, minkay


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