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How

the huacas

were

The

language

of

substance and

transformation

in

the

Huarochiri

Quechua

manuscript

FRANK

SALOMON

Two

of

the

most

important

verbs relevant

to

Andean

concepts

of

being

have

already

been

well dealt

with

by

researchers:

camay,

or

roughly

"to

animate,

to

impart

specific

form and

force"

in G.

Taylor's

article

(1974-1976);

and

hua?uy,

or

"to

die"

in

Urioste's article

(1981).1

Other clues

to

assumptions

about existence

appear

in

Duviols's

(1978)

and

Taylor's

(1980)

clarifications

of

upani,

or

roughly

"shade,"

which

seems

related

to

colonial

Quechua

supay,

or

"demon." This

essay

sketches further

usages

and

implications

of the

lexicon

about

being

and

substance and

transformation

of

beings

as

we

know

them

from

the

one

and

only

available

early

text

that

presents

an

Andean belief

system

in

an

Andean

language,

namely

the

anonymous

Quechua

manuscript

of

Huarochiri

(circa

1608;

for

translations,

see

Taylor

1987;

Salomon and

Urioste

1991).

It is

important

to

understand

at

the

start

that,

while

the Huarochiri book contains

origin

myths,

legends,

and

priestly

lore of

clearly pre-Hispanic

derivation,

the colonial

Quechua

language

and the

writing practices

in

which

they

are

expressed by

1608

had been much

influenced

by

the

Church's

labors

toward

making

the

former

"Language

of the

Inca" into

an

evangelical interlingua

(Mannheim

1991,

Duviols

and

Itier

1993).

Thus the

concepts

of

being

implicit

in

colonial

Quechua

language

and

writing

practices

are

not

necessarily

disconnected from the

largely

Aristotelian and

Augustinian

philosophic

discussion that

lies

in

the

background

of

Peruvian

evangelization.

The source for the

Quechua

manuscript

is a

multilayered

compendium

containing

testimonies

by

villagers

from

a

group

of

agropastoral

settlements

on

the

western

Andean

heights overlooking

Lima

and also

containing

editorial

material

by

the native

researcher

who

gathered

the

stories.

In

the

paragraphs

that

follow,

most

examples

come

from

passages

of

the

former

sort,

but

a

few

(such

as

chapter

titles,

and

so

on)

come

from

1.

The

orthography

is

colonial.

Throughout

the

present essay

Quechua

lexicon is

quoted

as

found

in

sources

rather than

rephonologized.

the

latter. The

master

argument

of the

manuscript

concerns

how

a

group

of

formerly marginal

herding

lineages

rooted

in

the

high

tundra

advanced under the

patronage

of

the

mountain

deity

Paria Caca

into

the

richer

middle

and then lower

valleys, conquering

the

aboriginal

Yunca

peoples,

and

at

the

same

time

welding

themselves

into

the

complex

ritual

regimen

the

Yuncas

had

possessed.

It

accords

great

importance

to

the

aboriginal

female

deity Chaupi

?amca,

who

is in

some

ways

Paria

Caca's

down-valley

counterpart.

If

we

curb

assumptions

that "verbs

of

being"

in

the

Quechua

manuscript

correspond

to

familiar notions

of

being

and

becoming,

regularities

in

their

semantic

domains

and

usages emerge

and

become useful

for

interpreting

the

manuscript's

implicit

world

view.

In

this

discussion

I

will

occasionally

use

the

word

ontology,

not

with

any

claim

to

discovering ontological

categories

in

Andean

thought,

but

rather

using

familiar

western

ontological

categories

as

an

aid

to

textual

exegesis by

making

explicit

the attributes

we

think

we

recognize

in

Andean

assertions

about

being,

substance,

and

change. Panayot

Butchvarov

(1995:490)

reviews

ontology

in

its

Aristotelian

sense

of "first

philosophy,"

that

is,

"the

study

of

being

qua

being,

i.e.,

of

the

most

general

and

necessary

characteristics that

anything

must

have

in

order

to count

as

a

being,

an

entity

(ens).,f

The

root

problem

in

ontology

is

that

(at

least

in

languages

known

to

European philosophers)

the

range

of

"things"

that

can

be

subjects

of the verb "to be"?that

is,

the

range

of

percepts

that can be

recognized

as discrete

features

on

a

common

spaciotemporal

grounding?is

in

most

respects

a

non-set: not

apples

and

oranges,

but

apples,

events,

and abstractions. The

common

ontological

categories

are,

in

Butchvarov's

summary:

individual

things

(Socrates,

a

book)

properties

(Socrates'

baldness,

a

book's

rectangularity)

relations

(marriage,

the

priority

of

one

book

to

another)

events

(Socrates'

death,

a

book's

publication)

states

of

affairs

(Socrates'

having

died,

the fact that

a

book

is

in

print)

sets

(the

set

of

Greek

philosophers

or

books)

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8/11/2019 20166998 copia

3/12

8

RES 3 SPRING1998

Concerns of

western

ontological

philosophy

include,

for

example, asking

whether

some

individual

things

are

"substances

in

the Aristotelian

sense,

i.e.,

enduring

through

time and

changes

in

their

properties

and

relations,

or

whether all

individual

things

are

momentary";

"whether

any

entity

has essential

properties,

i.e.,

properties

without

which

it

would

not

exist/'

and "whether

properties

and

relations

are

particulars

or

universals"

(Butchvarov

1995:490).

Do

the

implicitudes

of

a

nonwestern

source,

the

Quechua manuscript

of

Huarochiri,

allow

us

to

glimpse

any

Andean

assumptions

about

problems

of this order?

It

may

be worth

trying

out

the

following

suggestions.2

1

:

Cay

and

tiay

are

in

complementary

contrast

as

qualitative

and

dynamic

being

versus

situated

being

We

can

start

considering

the

lexicon

of

being

by

noting

that

the

language

of

the Huarochiri

writer

tends

to

place

two

verbs of

being

in

contrasting

opposition,

as

if

suggesting

that the

two

between

them

name

the

attributes

that make

anything

or

anybody ontologically

present.

The first substantive

chapter

(Ch.

1)

of

the

Huarochiri manuscript isone of the six that have

Spanish-language

headings:

Como

fue

anteguam[en]te

los

ydolos

. . .

y

como

auia

en

aquel

tiempo

los

naturales,

or

"How

the Idols

of Old

Were

. . .

and

How

the

Natives

Existed"

Salomon

and

Urioste,

eds.

1991:sec.

3

The

revealing

point

here

is

the

Quechua

interference

in

Spanish?not

the

"incorrect"

non-pluralization,

which

simply

reflects

Quechua's

optional

pluralizing

rules

(for

both

nouns

and

verbs),

but the fact that the author

contrasted

"ser" with "haber"

in

a

fashion

imparallel

to

their usual

Spanish

senses.

He did

so

because he

was

in

need of a way to translate a distinction between two verbs

that

posit

ontological

presence?both

necessary

to

the task

of

introducing

huacas,

that

is,

superhuman

beings,

but

neither

one

semantical

ly

congruent

to

"ser"

or

"haber"

(or

"estar").

We learn what these verbs

are

in

a

later

chapter's

heading,

which

similarly

offers

an

introduction

to

a

huaca.

This

instance is

not

forced

into

Spanish:

ymanam

chaupi

?amca

carean

maypim

t?an,

or

"How

Chaupi

?amca

was

and

where

she

is

[situated]''

Salomon and

Urioste,

eds.

1991:sec. 141

Here

cascan

and

tiascan

stand

in

complementary

contrast;

the former

concerns

what and how she

was,

that

is,

acted,

and the

latter

concerns

where she

was,

that

is,

situated. The distinction

concerns

being

as

activity

versus

being

as

situated

existence.

This

particular

quotation

highlights

the

separability

of

the

concepts

by

using

different

tenses;

the

great

female

power

Chaupi

?amca

"was,"

"acted"

(carcan)

in

a

past-tense

form,

because

prior

to

the

time

of

writing

Christians had

already

desecrated and ritual

ly

deactivated

her,

but she

"is" at

the

time

of

writing

still "situated"

(tian),

because

her

stone

embodiment

"is"

still hidden where she

was

buried

(at

a

specified

site,

Tumna

Plaza).

Similar

contrasts

occur

in sections

14

and

126 of the

manuscript.

A

being

may

have

either

or

both of

these

attributes,

with somewhat different

ontological

implications.

We

will

therefore

examine

each

one

separately.

Point

1a:

Cay

denotes

qualitative being

manifested

in

action

There does

not

appear

to

be

any

such semantic

isolate

as mere

existence,

certainly

no

verb

exclusively

glossed

by

"to exist"

as

opposed

to

nonexistence.

The

best colonial

lexicographer,

Gonc?lez

Holgu?n,

understood

cay

as

meaning

"ser de

essencia

o

de

existencia"

("to

be,

in

the

sense

of

essence or

of

existence,"

Gonc?lez

Holgu?n

1952

[1608]:668).

Like similar verbs

in

many

languages,

cay

can

function

as a

simple

copula

(for

example, pirn canqui,

or

"who

are

you" [Salomon and Urioste, eds. 1991: sec. 238]). As an

auxiliary

verb combined

with

an

agentive

form it

signifies

habitual

action

(muchac

carcan,

or

"they

used

to

worship"

[Salomon

and

Urioste,

eds.

1991:sec.

7]).

Beyond

that,

cay

brackets

together

cases

of

being

as

specificity

(of

condition, attribute,

identity)

manifested

via

action

through

time. In

usages

like:

. . .

ymanam

casac

?ispa

tapuspam,

or

".

.

.

asking,

saying

'how

shall

I

[orwe]

be?'"

Salomon and

Urioste,

eds. 1991

:sec.

472

2.

In

the

examples,

references

are

made

to

chapters

of

the

original

with

the abbreviation

"Ch." and references

to

passages

are

made

by

section

number,

for

example,

(Salomon

and

Urioste,

eds.

1991:sec.

3)

meaning

section

(not

page)

3

of

the Salomon-Urioste

translation.

This

citation

form facilitates

comparison

with

the

Quechua

original,

which

is

section-numbered

in

parallel.


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4/12

Salomon:

How

the huacas

were

9

the

petitioner merely

wants to

know

a

future

qualitative

state

of

welfare

(similar

usages

occur

in

sections

31,

131,

and

286).

What

is

distinctive about

cay

in

the

texts

is

a

tendency

to

include

senses

translatable

as

"to act"

or

"to

happen."

The nominalized

perfect

form of the verb

cay,

or

"to

be"(casca)

means

"events"

not

"entities"?that

which

somebody

or

something

did.

Casca

can

refer

to

the

sum

of

a

being's

activities

or

its characteristic

activities. One

might

accept

a

remote

gloss

like the

"nature"

of

that

entity,

but "deeds"

is

also often

appropriate:

cay

cunirayap

cascanracmi ?ahca

vira

cochap

cascanman

tincon,

or

"this

Cuni

Raya's

deeds

('nature'?

Identity'?)

almost match

Vira

Cocha's deeds"

Salomon and

Urioste,

eds.

1991

:sec.

7;

see

also

sees.

1,

126

Gerald

Taylor,

a

careful

semantic

analyst,

also includes

culto,

or

"the

religious

interaction

of

people

and

superhumans,"

among

his

glosses

for

casca

(1987:50-51).

In

the latter

sense

its semantic

component

"activity"

seems

far broader than that

implicit

in

the

English

verb "be."

In

the

two

chapter

headings

cited

above,

each

heading

asks

an

implicit

question

as

to

'"how

[the

huaca]

was."

The

answers

to

the

question

"how

was

s/he?"

is

not

a

statement

about

either

momentary

condition

or

about

unchangingly

predicated

attribute,

but

the

whole

story

of the

person's

action?that

is,

the

whole

chapter

(Chs.

1,

10

for the cited

examples).

All

told,

casca,

the

"being"

of

a

Huarochiri

actor,

seemingly

accentuates

the notion of

event

as

constitutive of

entity.

The huacas

have,

in

some

contexts,

individuality

and

properties,

but

in

others

they

are

seemingly imagined

as

long-term overarching

sequences

of

phenomena

or

deeds.

Point

1b:

T/ay

denotes

situated

being

Tiay inGonc?lez Holgu?n's dictionary meant

"sentarse

estar

sentado,

estar

en

alg?n lugar

morar

habitar"

(1952

[1608]:340),

or

"to sit

down,

to

be

seated,

to

be

in

some

place,

to

dwell,

to

inhabit."

He

then

gives

many

derived

terms,

all

implying

decreasingly

kinetic

states.

For

example,

he

gives

a

Quechua

phrase

comparable

to

the

English

transitive

usage

"to

still

(something)."

Tiaycuchini

sonconta

(with

forced

literalism

one

could

gloss

this

as

"I

make her/his

heart

sit")

meant

"to calm someone's

anger."

Derivatives

meant

"to

be

in

an

available,

motionless

state,"

for

example,

of

merchandise

on

sale.

With

the

"dynamic

modifier"

(Urioste

1973:174)

-ku,

it

yields tiacoy,

or

"to

dwell"

or

"stay."

In

the Huarochiri

text:

cananpas

sutilla

escay

runi

runahina

tiacon,

or

"two stones

just

like

people

are

[located]

there

even

now"

Salomon and

Urioste,

eds. 1991

:sec.

18;

see

also

sees.

14,

32, 34, 50,

etc.

Tiay

is the verb that

seems

to

emphasize individuality

as

substance: that

singularity

of

a

huaca that endures

throughout

its

changes

and

relationships.

Tiay

often

expresses the idea of existence in a permanent location

and endurance

in

the

form

of hard

materials,

like

rock,

or

in

the form

of

permanent

corporations,

like

villages

or

priesthoods. Chaupi

?amca,

whose

casca

is

spoken

of

in

a

perfect

nominalized

form,

is

the

subject

of

active

verb

tian

long

after her

"happening"

seems

to

have

ended.

2:

Accumulating

action and

changing

situation

modify

ontological

accent

Various

researchers

mentioned below have

suggested

that

in

Andean

speculation,

the

trajectory

of all

being

through

time is

basically

uniform.

Huacas,

like

people,

plants, and animals, pass through a gradient from

kinetic,

fleshly,

fast-changing being

toward

static,

hard,

slow-changing

being.

The

more

energetic

and fateful

their

actions,

the farther

they

move

from soft biotic

states,

full of

potential,

to

the hard

states,

full of

permanence,

seen

in

deified

mountains

and other

land features. This

point

has

already

been well

explored

by

Allen

and other

researchers whose

work

is

summarized

below.

It

is

useful

to

notice,

however,

that

though

the

myths

speak

of

purportedly

continuous

entities?substantial

beings,

in

the

Aristotelian

sense

of entities

that

survive

changes

of

property

and relations?to refer

to

them

in

their

successive

states

entails

emphasizing

different

categorical

sorts

of

being, by which Imean the sorts of being summarized

above

by

Butchvarov. This

shifting emphasis might

be

called

change

of

ontological

accent.

For

example,

the

being

Paria

Caca

is

spoken

of

as

the

following:

5

eggs

5

falcons

5

heroic

"men,"

collectively

called

"the

five

of him"

(pichcantin)

a

snowcapped,

double-peaked

mountain

storm,

red

rain

and

yellow

rain,

flood

and

earthslide

a

person

and

voice

[that

is,

oracle]


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10

RES

33 SPRING

1998

What,

then,

isCaca the

eponym

of? The first three

instances

refer

to

his

theophany,

in the form of five

eggs

that hatched five

falcons

who

became

five

men,

each

the

founder of

one

of the five

large

putative

descent

groups

understood

as

belonging

to

a

single

maximal

ethnic

entity.

In

the first three

instances

then,

the

ontological

category

"set" is

salient

(the

ideological

implication

being

the

"reality"

of

the

set

formed

by

five

ethnically

related

political

units).

In

the

first and

third,

the

category

"relation"

is

salient;

the

metaphorical

tension

between

human

sibling

bonds

(which

have birth

order)

and

the

simultaneity

of

a

clutch of

eggs

(which

lack it) is the main implication. Like hatchlings, the five

groups

are

equals

by

birth,

yet

like

brothers

they

are

not.

The

fourth,

Paria Caca's final form

(and

his

tiascan

or

located

being)

accentuates

individuality

and

substantiality.

The fifth

accentuates

the

category

"event,"

insofar

as

Paria Caca

was

the

event,

a

storm

of red and

yellow

rain.

The

sixth does

as

well,

but

also

emphasizes

"state

of

affairs/'

namely

the

state

of

Paria Caca's

having

ordained

a

social

order.

The

thinking

expressed

here embraces

the

perception

of

experience

as

ontological

ly heterogeneous,

as

Aristotle

taught.

But it deals with

this

not

in

the

Aristotelian fashion

noted

above,

that

is,

by

sorting

out

percepts

according

to

different

sorts

of

realness

we can

accord

them,

but rather

by organizing ontological

heterogeneity

in

terms

of

single beings

that

unite

multiple

sorts

of realness and demonstrate them

through

varied manifestations.

Thus

the accumulation of eventful

being

is

treated

as

altering

ontological

status

itself. The

conveners

of the

meeting

from

which this

essay

derives called

attention

to

the

concept

of

a

continuum from

transitory

to

durable

modes of

being.

This idea derives

from

insights

by

Catherine Allen

(1982)

and

George

Urioste. Urioste's

1981 essay on the death gradient is itself an exegesis of

the

Huarochiri

manuscript.

His

conclusion

has

since

the

date

of

writing

been

confirmed

by ethnographic findings

(Paerregaard

1987,

Valderrama

1980,

Salomon

1995).

His

point

is

that

unlike

Euro-American

models

of

death,

which

treat

death

as

a

durationless

moment

of division

between

the

"live"

status

before

expiration

and "death"

after

it,

Quechua

hua?oc

("die-er")

brackets those

soon

to

expire

with

those

recently expired.

The moribund and

the

recently

deceased form

a

single

class of

beings,

whose duration

extends between the

"living"

(causad)

and the enshrined

ancestor

(aya)

phases

of

being.

This

L

-w

,

*;V'^'

i

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mk

^*.-j&?.

'-.?

-

.c^4ii^SiHBB9III^Hfi^H^^^HH ^^^^^^^^HMHHi^^l

^H^BkI^^^HE^^

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Figure

1.The

snowcap

Rariacaca,

in

the

western

Andean

cordillera

south of

Lima,

is

a

permanent

manifestation of the

multiply

realized

deity

who dominates

the

Huarochiri

Quechua

text.

This

photograph

shows the

south

peak

of the double

peaked

snowcap,

which

is

probably adjacent

to

Paria

Caca's ancient shrine. Photo:

Frank Salomon.


8/11/2019 20166998 copia

6/12

Salomon:

How

the huacas

were

11

transition

can

be

seen as

one

segment

of

a

more

inclusive view

of

life and death

in

continuum. Duviols

(1978)

and Allen

(1982)

have each

independently

emphasized

a

pervasive

"vegetative

metaphor,"

which

connects

the

tender,

juicy,

wet

character of

young

beings

(new

plants,

babies)

with

the

ever more

firm

and

resistant,

but also

dryer

and

more

rigid

character of older

ones

(adults,

mature

plants)

and

finally,

with

the

desiccated but

enduring

remains

of

beings

who have left

life

and been

preserved (preserved

crops

like freeze-dried

potatoes

or

ch'u?u

[mummies]).

The

most

permanent

of

all beings are geological features such as mountains

(Rubina

1992).

The

dynamizing

feature of this

cosmology

is

the

circulating

and

ever

re-fecundating relationship

among

beings differently

located

in action

and

time. The

"soul"

(which

in

the Huarochiri

source

is

often called

by

the

Spanish

word

anima,

or

"spirit")

is

visualized

as a

small

flying

creature

that

departs

from the dead

person,

much

as a

seed

departs

from

a

dying

plant,

and

conserves

its

vitality

in

a

sacred

space,

Uma

Pacha.

In

idolatry

trials,

some

defendants

gave

voice

to

an

image

of

Uma

Pacha

as

being

a

farm where

spirits,

like

seeds,

could flourish back toward

fleshly

life.

The

destination

of

souls

is sometimes

also

identified

with the

origin

shrines

of ego's group, again emphasizing a circulating principle.

At

the

highest

extreme

of

permanence,

beings

of

prototypical

importance?those

whose

actions

actually

shaped

the conditions of

existence?are

spoken

of

as

having

hardened

into

everlasting

material,

namely

stone

or

other

land features. These

most

durable

beings

provide,

indeed

literally

become,

the

ground

on

which

new

transient

beings

emerge.

The

overall

direction is

to

map

general

structures

of

congruence

among

living

human

collectivities,

ancestral

or

legendary

society

(whose

material substance

is

shrines and

the

consecrated

dead),

landscape

forms

(mountains

and

waterways),

and

cosmological

facts

(cosmological

bodies,

the

climate).

However this is not to assert that the world of huaca

devotees

was

of the

sort

that Bellah

(1964)

recognized

in

speaking

of

societies

where

divinity

is

so

close

as to

be

ontological lymerged

with

society.

Although people,

mummies,

huacas,

and

the

cosmos are

kindred

beings,

they

relate

to

temporality

and the laws of

nature in

dissimilar

ways.

The individual

being

passing

through

eventful

time

actually

changes

in

ontological

accent

or

association. The mode

of

life described

as

characteristic

of huaca devotees

is

characterized

by

a

complex

regimen

of ritual behaviors

governing relationships

between

beings

of unlike

standing.

3:

Communication

among

beings

of

unequal

metaphysical

or

ontological standing

occurs

through

"slides"

along

the vital

gradient

Since

ritual consisted of

reciprocity

among

beings

of

all

classes,

human and

nonhuman,

it

implied

communication

among

beings

of unlike

ontological

standing.

The rituals described

in

the

Quechua

source,

as

well

as some

ethnographical ly

observed

rites,

which

embody

continuities with

them,

have

a

common

metaprogram

or

genre

scenario

for

achieving

this.

As

was

suggested

in

the

example

of

Paria

Caca,

huacas

were

cultural

postulates

whose

interest

was

rooted

precisely

in

the

fact

that

they

united

in

"persons"

heterogeneous

perceptions

of

reality

as

substance,

event,

category,

and

so

on.

The

attributes of

beings

in

different

parts

of

the vital

continuum

with

their

differing ontological

accents,

appealed

to

differing

ritual

needs,

with the

predominant

mode

being approach

to

more

exalted,

permanent,

and

empowered

beings

by

lower, softer,

more

mutable

ones.

These

approaches

tend

to

be

governed by

a

fairly

regular

program.

The

actors

are:

(1)

at

least

one

sacred

being;

(2)

a

person,

generally

acting

as

part

of

a

collectivity, transacting

a

reciprocal gift;

and

(3)

at

least

one

person

who

acts as

mediator.

The

collectivity

and

the mediator

engage

in

divergent

actions. The

collectivity

enters

ritual

states

of

heightened vitality

and

solidarity,

in

which

they display

themselves

as

themselves

only

more

so;

alcohol

(Saignes

1987)

serves

to

liberate

huge

discharges

of social

and

physical

energy

and

appetite.

Invocations

to

deity

are

made

in

first

person

plural?interestingly,

in

the inclusive

voice,

implying

that

the

deity

addressed

partakes

of the

condition

or

action of the

collectivity.

The role of the mediator

is

more

complex.

I

would

describe

mediating

roles

as

"slides"

along

the

continuum of

being,

in

which humans

assume

statuses

closer

to

those of the

superhuman

person

addressed.

These "slides"

often

have

an

aspect

of

transient

death,

or

transient

return

from

death:

Abstention

(sa?iyj

from

"lively"

behavior. The mildest

degree

of

distancing

from

daily

life

is

the

preparation

required

of

persons

about

to

perform

duties

to

huacas

or

recently

in

contact

with them.

Persons

returning

from

a

visit

to

the

female

power

Urpay

Huachac had

to

abstain

from

sex

and seasoned food

for

a

year

(Salomon

and

Urioste,

eds.

1991:sec.

183),

because this huaca unlike

others

had

no

priest

and

demanded

personal

contact.

Parents

who had

to

ritual

ly

avert

the bad

consequences

of


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12

RES 33

SPRING 1998

a

twin

birth?namely,

a

death

to

make

up

for

the

anomaly

of

an

extra

life?likewise

accompanied

their sacrificial

gifts

with

a

year

of

abstention. These

were

conditions for

dialogue

with Paria

Caca.

The

common

denominator

of

ritual

abstentions

seems

to

be

avoidance of

intense

bodily

sensations.

5/eep

(po?oyj

and

dreaming (muscoyj:

The

human

sleeper,

a

person

temporarily

removed

from

daily vitality,

is

brought

into

contact

with nonhuman

beings

and

knowledge.

In

chapter

5

(Salomon

and

Urioste,

eds.

1991:sec.

42),

Huatya

Curi,

while

sleeping

and

presumably dreaming,

learns from

two

talking

foxes

the

secret

of

the illness

that

afflicted the

fraudulent

lord

Tamta

?amca.

This

supernatural

knowledge

would

prove

the

seed

of

their

reciprocal

role

reversal.

The

crucial

example

is

chapter

21,

entirely

concerned

with

a

dream,

in

which

the

protagonist

Don

Crist?bal

Choque

Casa,

comes

into

apparent

contact

with his

deceased

(hua?uc)

father and

into

dialogue

with the huaca

whom

that

"die-er,"

that

is,

recently

dead

man,

worshiped

(Salomon

and

Urioste,

eds.

1991:sec.

248).

Assumption

of

a

deathlike

aspect

or

wearing

dead skins:

Repeatedly,

humans

achieve

crucial

dialogue

with

superhuman

powers

by

placing

on

themselves

the

skins,

that

is,

outer

appearances,

of

dead animals

or

people.

Huatya Curi acquired the magical power to beat his

challenger

by turning

into

(tucoy)

a

dead

guanaco

and

thereby

stealing

power

from

a

rival

huaca

(Salomon

and

Urioste,

eds.

1991:sec.

60).

The

most

dramatic

acting

of

wearing

death

is

the

donning

of the

huayo

or

flayed-face

mask,

made from

a

sacrificed

captive,

which

imbues the

wearer

with

the

power

of Uma

Pacha,

the

mythical

high

farm wherein

the

departing

anima

of the dead

were

replanted

and

regenerated

(Salomon

and

Urioste,

eds.

1991

:secs.

322-324,

404).

The skin of

a

dead

animal also

empowered

a

person

to

approach

the

sacred

patron

or

owner

of the

animal and

was

among

the

most

common

ritual

gestures

(Salomon

and

Urioste,

eds. 1991:secs.

21,

64,

150, 455-458);

it

is

still

practiced

in

at

least

one

of

Huarochiri's

communities

today.

Paria

Caca

consoled his

people

for

the loss

of

a

treasured

headdress

by

giving

them

a

wildcat

skin:

And

as

he'd

foretold,

on

Chaupi

?amca's

festival,

in

the

courtyard

called Yauri

Cal

I

nca,

on

top

of the

wall,

a

very

beautifully

spotted

wildcat

appeared.

When

they

saw

it

they

exclaimed

joyfully,

"This is

what

Paria Caca meant "

and

they

held

up

its

skin

as

they

danced

and

sang

with

it.

(Hernando

Cancho

Uillca,

who

used

to

live

in

Tumna,

was

in

charge

of it. But

by

now

it's

probably

gone

all

rotten.)

Salomon and

Urioste,

eds. 1991:

sec.

314

4:

Passage

between

states

accenting

dissimilar

ontological

statuses

are

expressed

with

tucoy

In

passages

concerning

the

assumption

of

a

magical

disguise,

as

with

Huatya

Curi

"turning

into

a

dead

guanaco,"

the

verb

employed

is

tucoy.

This

is

among

the

most

important

words

signifying

transformation.

It

may

usefully

be

contrasted

with

cay,

or

"to

be."

It

has

a

usage

as

an

auxiliary

verb

comparable

to

that of

cay,

but

emphasizing

process,

like

English "get":

ynataccho

pincay

casac,

or

"shall

I

be shamed

so?"

Salomon and Urioste, eds. 1991:sec. 313

and

man

carcoy

tucorcan,

or

"they

got

swept

away

into

the

jungle"

Salomon

and

Urioste,

eds.

1991:sec.

9;

see

also

228

and

100,

an

ambiguous

instance

As

a

freestanding

verb,

tucoy

covers

processes

in

which

a

being

assumes a new

outer

aspect.

Some

of

these

could

well

be

translated

as

"become":

?a

paria

caca ru

?aman

tucuspas,

or

"Paria

Caca,

becoming

human"

Salomon

and

Urioste,

eds. 1991:

sec.

74

tuylla pachampitac rumi tucorcan, or "right then and there

she

turned

to

stone"

Salomon and

Urioste,

eds. 1991

:sec.

69

But

tucoy

is

more

inclusive,

covering

as

it

does the

sense

"to

feign,

pretend

to

be":

cay

cuni

raya

vira

cochas ancha

?aupa

hue

runa

ancha

huaccha

tucospalla

purircan,

or

"In

very

ancient

times

this

Cuni

Raya

Vira

Cocha

used

to

go

around

posing

as

a

miserably

poor

man"

Salomon

and

Urioste,

eds. 1991:sec. 9

ancha

yachac

tucospa

pissi yachascanhuan,

or

"pretending

to

be

very

wise

with

the little

that

he

knew"

Salomon

and

Urioste,

eds. 1991

:sec.

40

chaypim

huanaco

tucospa

hua?usca

siriconqui,

or

"there

pretending

to

be

a

guanaco

you'll

lie

dead"

Salomon

and

Urioste,

eds. 1991:sec. 58

These instances

show

that

the

semantic

scope

of

tucoy

includes

change

of

aspect

without

any

premise

about

whether

a

change

of

what

Gonc?lez

Holgu?n

called

"essence" is

entailed.

Because this

noncongruence

occurred

close

to

the

core

meanings

of

conversion,

which

Christianity

taught


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Salomon:

How

the

huacas

were

13

Figure

2.

Today,

inhabitants of

Tupicocha,

Huarochiri,

still don animal skins?most

importantly,

the

puma?to

perform

festival dances. This

puma

skin,

used

by

dancers

of the Sibimol

Society

in

the

Pascua

Reyes

cycle,

is reminiscent of

the

spotted

wildcat skin mentioned

in

the

Quechua

Manuscript's chapter

24.

Photo:

Frank Salomon.


8/11/2019 20166998 copia

9/12

14

RES

33 SPRING 1998

people

like

the

editor/compiler

to

think of

as a

change

of

essence,

the

language

of

"becoming

Christian" is

itself

ambiguous

when it

talks

about

religious

change.

huaquin

runacunaca

christiano

tucospapas

manchaspallam

pactach

padrepas

pipas

yachahuanman

mana

alii

cascayta,

or

"some

people

becoming/feigning

to

be

Christians

[said]

'Watch

out,

the

padre might

find

out

how bad

we've

been'"

Salomon

and

Urioste,

eds.

1991

:sec.

134

Knowing

that

in

at

least

one

of

the

languages

they

used,

Andean

converts

employed

a

semantic

isolate

that

classed

together

changes

of form

regardless

of

"authenticity"

of

motive,

helps

one

understand

why

the

period

in

question

saw so

many

attacks

on

the

sincerity

of

"Indian"

Christianity. Spanish

Catholics

thought

the

Andean

powers'

way

of

influencing

native

people

was

by "lying"

(llollaycuy)

to

them,

and this

may

be

influenced

by

the

notion

that

Andean

metamorphoses

(tucoy)

were

deceptions,

the

typical

practice

of

European

demons.

Converts,

on

the other

hand,

may

have

understood

the

requirements

of

Christianity

as a

matter

of

changing

appearance

appropriately

(much

as

one

did

in

huaca

devotions)

in

order

to

partake

of

connected

ontological

accents,

rather than

a

matter

of

changing

"essence"?a

concept

perhaps

unavailable to

them. The

assertion that Andean

people

engage

in

a

"double"

religious

life has been

a

longstanding

one;

it is

still

prevalent

in

middlebrow media

representations

of

Andean

Christianity

as

a

"veneer"

hiding

an

authentic

"core" of

Amerindian culture. This

representation,

with

its

subtextual

imputation

of intentional

deception,

arises

from

(among

other

things)

a

failure

to

grasp

local

notions

about

appearance

and

reality.

It

is

perhaps

the

saddest

of

many

misunderstandings?because

it

is the

most

damaging?that

went

into

the

making

of

colonial

relations between

the Church and

rural

society.

This

exegesis

illustrates

why,

within the

sphere

of the

huacas, one made transits toward beings of more

durable

standing

by

taking

on

a

second

skin,

an

appearance,

closer

to

their

standing

as

durable,

dry,

"dead"

beings.

One

might

communicate

across

diverse

states

of

being

by

process

of

tucoy,

changing

outer

appearance,

for

example, by

costuming

oneself

as a

huaca's

animal

to

commune

with

it

or

by

putting

on

the

flayed

face of

a

dead

man

to

communicate with the

place

of

the dead.

From

the

huaca devotees'

point

of

view,

in

which the

"ontological

categories"

appear

as

attributes

or

evidences of

single beings

in

different

instances

of

their

existences,

no

such

problem

arose.

The human who

"becomes/pretends

to

be"

a

dead

guanaco

is

not

substituting

an

unreal

for

a

real

identity

because his

humanity

is

not

imputed

to

him

as

an

unchanging

essence

in

the

first

place.

5:

The

hierarchy

of

durability

versus

transience

often

represents

received ideas about social

rank

Up

to

this

point

the

argument

has

concentrated

on

the emic

viewpoint,

sketching

implicit

ideas

expressed

in

ritual and

myth.

But

these

beliefs,

of

course,

expressed

an

orientation toward

a

particular

observed

social

system

as

itsmembers understood

it.

(The

oral

authors of the

stories,

and the

Quechua

compiler/editor

themselves had different

viewpoints

about this

system,

the latter

being

apparently

a

strong

Christian

convert

alienated

from

the

world

view

of the

tellers.)

In

discourse that

refers

to

the

upper

brackets

of

social/superhuman/cosmological hierarchy,

the

salience

of the

category

"set"

(as

opposed

to

"thing,"

"person")

is

high.

Ancestor-focused

imagery,

which

places

durable

beings

at

apical

positions

in

the natural-social

world,

expresses

an

ideology

that reifies the real-life

processes

of

social

reproduction

into

segmented

kinship

corporations.

A

common

example

of this

is

the

usage

of

inca

or

sapa

inca

to

identify

the

person

who

stands

highest

in

the

set

containing

all incacuna

(persons

affiliated

to

Inka descent

groups).

In

effect the

eponymous

use

of the

term

Inca

as

the

name

of

a

supreme

god-king

denotes the

entire "set"

of Inkas. The

same

structure

is

pervasive

at

lower

levels,

for

example,

in

the

various

Huarochiri

instances

where the firstborn

of

a

sib bears

a

name

that

is

also

that of the

sib,

so

that

his

name

is

the

name

of

a

category.

When

the tellers

assigned

Paria

Caca

supremacy

among the deified mountains, and attributed to him a

fivefold

essence

manifested

through

five

heroic

anthropomorphic

selves

and their

respective

"children,"

each "child"

being

the ancestor-hero of

a

major

branch

of the dominant

population,

the tellers

appear

to

have

been

recognizing

and

explaining

a

taxonomic

likeness

(perhaps

of

language

as

well

as

cultic

practice)

among

disparate

and

politically

separate,

but

mutually

known

and

sometimes

allied

invading populations.

(Of

course

in

doing

so,

they

may

have been

appropriating

a

Paria

Caca cult older and

more

multiethnic

than

the


8/11/2019 20166998 copia

10/12

Salomon:

How

the huacas

were

15

manuscript

allows;

Guarnan Poma 1980

[1615]:113,

185, 264, 268,

269,

329, 335, 884,

915).

These

apical

beings

themselves,

including

Paria Caca

once

he

"ascended"

to

expel

older

deities,

existed

in

the form of

completely

hardened

and durable

geological

matter?

social

practices

"reified"

in

the

strictest

sense.

Beings embodying

medial and lower nodes of

segmentation

are

imagined

as

former

humans

or

humanlike,

typically

"hardened"

by

mummification

and

enshrinement,

Tutay

Quiri

of the

Checa

being

the

most

elaborated

example,

and

?an

Sapa

apparently

another

such. The historical

origins

of mallkis taken to

embody

the heads of medial

taxa

are

unknown.

But

to

allow for

their

relative exaltation

thousands

of

other

bodies

must

have

received relative

neglect.

The

passion

for

protecting

important

mummified

"mothers" and "fathers" of

corporate

collectivities

(which

so

fascinated

the

"extirpators

of

idolatry")

was a

part

of

political symbolic

process,

in

which kurakas attributed

to ancestors

of

leading

(putatively

senior)

descent

lines

whatever

prosperity

the

community

achieved and voiced the

community's

needs

to

them. We know

from

extirpation

inquiries

into

the funerals of Huarochiri

lords who died

in

the

era

of the

manuscript

that

the

aggrandizement

of

political

leaders to

primacy

among

ancestors continued

after

Spanish

conquest

(Salomon

1995,

Marzal

1988,

Saignes

1998).

The

passage

to

durable

being

was

accordingly

distributed

unequally

though

society

in

favor

of

persons

through

whom

the interests

of

kinship

corporations

were

effectively

transmitted.

And

the

landscape

over

which

ancestor

shrines, huacas,

and deified land features

were

spread

could be taken

as an

integrally

naturalized

map

of

social

hierarchy,

so

that

one

lived enclosed

by

an

all

encompassing correspondence

structure

across

ontological

levels.

The

idiom

of

ancestor

cult,

as

opposed

to

that

of

apical deities, did concretize taxa in focalized persons,

but their

names never

stood for

whole

sets

as

do the

highest

names.

Rather their

ontological

accent

seems

to

fall

on

the

category

"relation."

They

were

like

milestones

for

measuring

the

spaces

of relatedness.

A

milestone

is

a

thing,

but

a

thing

whose

significance

is to

express

the

relation

between

it

and other

points

in

space,

and the

relation called "mile" has

no

meaning

except

the

space

between

such

points.

So

major

ancestors

became

not

just

markers

of

relation but

were

accented

to

relational

concepts

of

genealogy

and

political

affiliation.

6:

Notwithstanding

this

schema,

mythology centrally

includes

a

trickster

principle,

which

upsets

and

relativizes

hierarchies of

being

One of

the

most

interesting

properties

of the

manuscript

is that

although

it

idealizes

a

priestly

order,

it

also

contains,

as

Fioravanti-Molini?

(1987)

has

shown,

a

principle

relativizing

that

order,

namely

the

principle

of

the

trickster-demiurge.

His

name

in

the

Huarochiri

source

isCuni

Raya

Vira

Cocha.

Half of

his name?Cuni

Raya?is,

as

Rostworowski

(1989) ascertained,

the

name

of

a

far-flung

coastal

deity

associated with the

transformation of

landforms

by

water.

In

the

desiccated Andean

landscape,

water

signifies

two

things:

longed-for fertility

(via

rain

or

irrigation)

and

dreaded

danger

(because

rain

often

takes the form of

devastating

earthslides and flash

floods).

Thus

the

mythic

persona

of

water

tends

to

be

a

life-giving

but

tricky,

uncontrollable,

and

dangerous

one.

In

the Huarochiri

manuscript,

Cuni

Raya's

tricks

generally

take the form

of

seduction

or

sexual

provocation

by

magical

means,

resulting

in

unwanted

pregnancy

(Ch.

2)

or

elopement

(Ch.

31),

that

is,

unpredictable

and

irregular

unions that

produce fertility

but do

so

in

ways

that

upset

the

normal

social

and

productive arrangements?as

water

does

when

it

gets

out

of

control.

The

compiler,

like

many

Europeans,

was

influenced

by

the

misleading

but

already

popularized

equation

between

Vira

Cocha and the

God of

contemporary

Catholicism.

Cuni

Raya's

ability

to

create

whole

landscapes by

fiat?probably

an

allusion

to

the

way

water

can

transform land

dramatically?led

the

compiler

to

think

of Cuni

Raya

as a

creator

deity,

like

Dios,

the

Christians'

God.

He

was

therefore

puzzled

by

his

inability

to

verify

from

oral

testimony

that

Cuni

Raya

had

the

expected

divine attribute of

priority

to

all other

superhumans

(Salomon

and

Urioste,

eds.

1991:sec.

7,

189,

ch.

15).

Cuni

Raya

Vira Cocha is

the

exception

to

every

rule

about

huacas.

Although

at

one

point

he

(like

most

huacas)

is

said

to

have

lithified

in

a

determinate

place

(Salomon

and

Urioste,

eds.

1991:sec.

90),

a

transformation that

usually

marks the

passage

from

humanlike action

to

permanence,

he

is

present

at

all

ages

and

places, popping

up

in

primordial, mythic,

legendary,

and Inka

times.

The invasion

of the

Spaniards

in

chapter

14

is

explained

as

yet

another

of his

tricks.

In

all his

interventions,

he

brings people

to act

by

their


8/11/2019 20166998 copia

11/12

16

RES

33

SPRING

1998

normal

desires and

expectations,

yet

in

such

a

way

as

to

bring

about

disruptive

and

transformative

results.

Many

of these

actions include

his

"becoming/feigning"

beguiling

appearances

of various

kinds.

On

one

level,

one

might

guess

that

Cuni

Raya

personifies

the

paradoxes

inherent

in

irrigation

technology;

the "normal" control of

water

brings

into

the

landscape

the

very

force that

frequently

breaks

through

and

reshapes things

catastrophically.

On

a

more

general

level,

one

could

think of

him

as

the

anW-huaca,

the

joker

in

the

deck,

who made

it

possible

for the

huaca

outlook

to

include

a

deep appreciation

of

mutability

and the

unpredictable.

Cuni

Raya

seems

to

occupy

a

category

all

by

himself.

In

the

terminology

of

Aristotelian

ontology,

the

"thing"

he

points

toward

is

a

permanent

"state

of affairs."

This vivid

deity personifies

the

fragility

of all

structures

and

categories

and focalizes

paradox,

even

humor.

The

Andean

person

struggling

to

learn

appealed

to

his

evasive wit

as

to

the

source

of

amauta

cay,

which

is sometimes

glossed

"wisdom" but

strongly

implies

"discernment"

(Gonc?lez

Holgu?n

1952

[1608]:148).

In

Huarochiri,

weavers

appealed

to

the

trickster-demiurge

before

trying

to

warp

a

complex

design:

"Help

me

work it

out,

Cuni

Raya

Vira

Cocha"

(Salomon

and

Urioste,

eds.

1991:sec.

8).

If

the

Huarochiri

manuscript

suggests

a

concept

of

wisdom,

it

is the

deep

appreciation

of the

attribute

of

being

that

Cuni

Raya,

stood

for.

To

sum

up:

the

Huarochiri

manuscript's

tellers

seem

to

have been habituated

not to

analytically separated

portions

of

reality?ontological

categories

like those

outlined

at

the

start

of this

essay?but

to

a

web of

socioritual

connections with

persons

who

each

in

their

complexity

embodied

and

familiarized

the

multiple

attributes

of

"being."

Reasoning

about

such

problems

as

the relations

between

a

set

(for

example,

a

corporate

kin

group),

which "exists"

in

one

sense,

and

those of

persons,

who "exist" in

another,

is not abstracted but

expressed

in

the interaction

of

beings

who

accentuate

different

kinds of existence.

Routine

problems

about

entities such

as

taxa, events,

and

persons

were

then

processed

unselfconsciously through

the

idiom of

huacas.

What theWest

troublingly

experienced

as

the

fundamental

incommensurability

of

experienced

reality's

parts?and

the need

for

a

metaphysical ground

on

which

to

place

them

together?found

expression

in

these

myths

as

disparity

but

also

connectedness

among

clusters

of

meaning

personified

as

superhuman beings

but

not

limited

to

superhumanity

in

their manifestations.

The coherence of

cosmos

was,

then,

asserted

not

by

a

unifying theory,

but

by

social

mediation

on

the

part

of

its

inhabitants.

They

were

the

ones

who

brought

all

sorts

of

beings

into

relationship.

It

was

ritual that

held

things

together.

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