Menopause Chez Maya 2003

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    Menopause in highland Guatemala Mayan women

    Donna E. Stewart *

    Lillian Love Chair of Womens Health, University Health Network, 657 University Avenue, ML 2-004, Toronto, Ont. M2G 2N2, Canada

    Received 14 February 2002; received in revised form 5 November 2002; accepted 7 January 2003

    Abstract

    Objectives: To explore any feelings and symptoms surrounding menopause among Mayan women in three

    ethnolinguistic groups in highland Guatemala and compare these with previous reports from Mexico. Methods: This

    was a qualitative exploratory study of the experiences around menopause of eight middle aged women and one local key

    informant in each of three villages in western highland Guatemala (n0/27). Individual interviews were conducted in

    women with irregular menses or whose menses has ceased in the last 3 years. Field notes were kept and then an analysis

    undertaken by the author. Results: Twenty-four Mayan women, aged 38/55, and three Mayan key informants (all

    women over age 50) were interviewed. Most women reported some symptoms, including hot flashes, night sweats,

    changes in libido, irritability, moodiness, abdominal cramps and menstrual clots occurring at some stage during the last

    3 years. Although women reported symptoms, they mostly accepted them with equanimity; and rejoiced at the cessationof their periods. Conclusions: Highland Guatemalan Mayan women reported symptoms that were not reported in

    Mayan women in Yucatan, Mexico in the years surrounding menopause. The reasons for this disparity are unclear but

    may reflect differences in body weight and diet. Despite these symptoms, Mayan women looked forward to menopause

    and their newfound freedom and status. Symptoms in women in the years around menopause must be interpreted in

    geographical, nutritional, biological, psychological and cultural context.

    # 2003 Elsevier Science Ireland Ltd. All rights reserved.

    Keywords: Menopause; Mayan women; Symptoms

    1. Menopause in highland Guatemala Mayanwomen

    Menopause is a complex biologic phenomenon

    embedded in a sociocultural and psychologic

    context that may affect the experience of this

    normal life event [1]. Studies of women undergoing

    menopause in other cultures or countries (Japan,Greece, Mexico) have found differences in symp-

    toms and meaning than those commonly reported

    by women in western industrialized nations [2/4].

    One of the most frequently cited studies looked at

    Mayan women in the Yucatan peninsula in

    Mexico and found that menopause was not

    associated with any changes other than cessation

    in menstruation [4,5]. Specifically, there were no

    reports of hot flashes, night sweats or emotional

    changes. But Mayan women are not a single entity* Tel.: '/1-416-340-3846; fax: '/1-416-340-4185.

    E-mail address: [email protected] (D.E. Stewart).

    Maturitas 44 (2003) 293/297

    www.elsevier.com/locate/maturitas

    0378-5122/03/$ - see front matter # 2003 Elsevier Science Ireland Ltd. All rights reserved.

    doi:10.1016/S0378-5122(03)00036-7

    mailto:[email protected]:[email protected]
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    as there are over 20 distinct Mayan ethnolinguistic

    groups in Southern Mexico and Guatemala alone

    [6]. The purpose of this study was to explore the

    experience of menopause in Guatemalan Mayanwomen from three different ethnolinguistic groups

    and to compare this with previous reports about

    Mexican Mayan women.

    Mayans were master architects, builders, scho-

    lars, weavers, ceramists and farmers who flour-

    ished in Southern Mexico and Central America for

    over 1000 years [6]. Talented and clever, they

    developed independent thriving city/states which

    intermittently fought and traded with each other

    until their mysterious decline around 800 AD

    Despite this decline, over 8 million full-bloodeddescendents still occupy much of their original

    homeland and maintain their own culture, lan-

    guages, diet, health practices and customs away

    from the eyes of prying strangers. Each village has

    its own government and customs, which include

    the wearing of traditional hand-woven garments

    (traje) that are often unique to that village [6].

    Although many men now wear western clothes,

    most women in the villages reported in this

    study continue to make and wear their traditional

    blouses (huipils). Life in western highlandGuatemalan villages is hard and consists mostly

    of subsistence farming by hand on volcanic

    terraced slopes, supplemented by fishing in villages

    around Lake Atitlan. Food scarcity is not un-

    common.

    1.1. Methods

    This was a qualitative exploratory study of

    Western Highland Guatemalan Mayan womens

    experience and feelings around the time of meno-

    pause. Individual middle-aged Mayan womenwere recruited from markets and small towns or

    villages in the Western Highlands of Guatemala

    through direct contact by the researcher (who has

    visited these villages for over 30 years) or through

    local key informants, women who were market

    organizers or healers (curanderas or midwives).

    Women were recruited from three villages repre-

    senting three distinct ethnolinguistic groups, Na-

    huala (who speak Quiche), Santiago Atitlan (who

    speak Tz, utujil) and San Pedro la Laguna (who

    speak Cakchiquel). San Pedro la Laguna and

    Santiago Atitlan are villages surrounded by volca-

    noes on the southern shore of Lake Atitlan, while

    Nahuala is a traditional highland village that until

    recently did not permit non-villagers to stay over-

    night. Traditional religious and cultural beliefs and

    behaviors are common in all three villages,

    although Catholicism and Protestantism are also

    practiced in concert with animist beliefs and

    ceremonies [6].

    Women were asked in Spanish or their local

    language (translated by key informants) to de-

    scribe What happens around the time when

    women finish having their menstrual periods at

    midlife? Probe questions included any specialfeelings or experiences, special foods, herbs or

    practices that the women engaged in during the

    time when their periods were becoming irregular,

    different or after stopping.

    Women, none of whom could read or write,

    were informed that the researcher was interested in

    womens health and wished to privately discuss

    this with any woman who was in midlife and

    noticed her periods changing or whose periods had

    stopped during the last 3 years. After some initial

    hesitance and negotiation, permission was givenfor the interview, which lasted 1/2 h in the

    womans home. The negotiation resulted in an

    agreement that the researcher would visit the

    womans home for the interview and would

    purchase a handmade huipil at the market price

    ($20 US) from each eligible woman who partici-

    pated, up to eight per village. In keeping with local

    practice, women continued their household tasks

    during the interview and many continued to care

    for children and spin cotton or weave on their

    back strap looms while engaged in animatedconversation. Permission was sought to tape

    record or take contemporaneous field notes during

    the interviews but this was refused by all women

    with comments such as you will be guided to

    remember that which is important and will forget

    that which is not. Field notes were written

    privately by the researcher immediately following

    all interviews and summaries of key points and

    themes were constructed before leaving each

    village.

    D.E. Stewart / Maturitas 44 (2003) 293/297294

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    1.2. Results

    In total, 24 women and three key informants

    participated; comprised of eight women and onekey informant for each village. All women ap-

    peared to be middle aged and reported either

    irregular periods or cessation of menses in the last

    3 years as a criteria for inclusion. They ranged in

    age from 38 to 55-years of age, among those who

    knew their age in Gregorian calendar years.

    Women who had not had a period for over 12

    months reported a mean age of menopause of 48

    years. All women were married and had a mean of

    seven children (range 3/15) with a mean age at

    first birth of 18 years. The women were short instature and thin, and nine appeared malnourished.

    All reported daily strenuous activity of hauling

    water, working in fields, carrying firewood, and

    hand-washing laundry, spinning and weaving.

    Women from all three villages reported being

    pleased that their periods had or were stopping as

    they felt this gave them greater social and religious

    freedom: then you can go anywhere and do

    anything without worrying. Twelve explained

    this meant being free of menstrual taboos or the

    inconv

    enience of bleeding. Twenty women wereexplicit in saying they welcomed the knowledge

    that they could no longer become pregnant. Five

    women reported more sexual freedom but 11

    reported a loss of sexual interest or discomfort

    with sexual intercourse. Seven women felt stron-

    ger as a result of no longer having heavy periods

    or pain associated with periods.

    Eighteen women in all three villages reported

    feeling heat or hot during the months or years

    surrounding the cessation of periods. Eight women

    described this as a continuous feeling of hotness in

    their bodies while ten described it as hot spellslasting a few seconds to minutes. Ten described

    hot spells with sweating at night, which disturbed

    their sleep. Twelve women reported more vivid

    dreams, which awakened them. An unexpected

    revelation occurred while interviewing women

    from Nahuala who reported changing their tradi-

    tional heavily woven blouses (huipils) to lighter, V-

    necked, cotton huipils bearing only an embroi-

    dered seam stripe (randa) to counteract the

    increased body heat during and following meno-

    pause (see Fig. 1 and Fig. 2). Women were careful

    to emphasize that not all-older women changed

    their huipils permanently but most did it when the

    heat bothered them most. The author subse-

    quently noted many middle aged and older women

    Fig. 1. Nahuala. A heavy huipil worn by younger women.

    Fig. 2. Nahuala. V-necked light cotton huipil preferred by

    middle-aged women.

    D.E. Stewart / Maturitas 44 (2003) 293/297 295

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    (but no younger women) in the market wearing

    these lighter, V-necked huipils.

    Fourteen women in Nahuala and Santiago

    Atitlan reported increased irritability, moodinessand anger during the years their periods were

    changing or stopping. Three Santiago women

    reported having more arguments while four

    Nahuala women felt that their true nahual

    (supernatural animal double) was being exposed.

    Two women from Nahuala felt the animal spirit

    was proven by the presence of irregular heartbeats

    or occasional feelings of lightheadedness or faint-

    ness. One woman from San Pedro reported

    changes in mood like the ripples that play across

    Lake Atitlan in the afternoon breeze*/changingthis way and that.

    Fourteen women from all three villages reported

    episodes of heavy periods accompanied by abdom-

    inal cramps and clots at some stage of the

    menopausal transition. They reported treating

    this with steam baths, lower abdominal massages

    from midwives and sometimes herbs from the

    mountains. Although women found these symp-

    toms inconvenient, they emphasized they usually

    lasted only a few months and the problem

    usually cured itself. Six women, howev

    er, hadexcessive bleeding which resulted in weakness and

    fatigue.

    During the years leading up to menopause

    women continued to eat their usual diet which

    consisted mostly of maize, beans, sweet potatoes,

    fruit, fish and occasional fowl or meat. None of

    the women reported seeking western medical care

    for the symptoms reported, although consultations

    with curanderas and midwives and discussions

    with friends were common. Despite reporting

    symptoms the women accepted these with equani-

    mity and regarded them as a natural part of life.

    1.3. Discussion

    Mayan women from all three rural villages

    representing distinct ethnolinguistic groups

    (Quiche, Tzutujil and Cakchiquel) in Western

    Highland Guatemala described symptoms similar

    to those reported by women in western industria-

    lized societies including hot flashes, night sweats,

    changes in libido, irritability, mood lability, anxi-

    ety, palpitations, lightheadedness, menstrual

    flooding and irregularity prior to the cessation of

    menses. As these women were illiterate, lead a

    traditional Mayan village lifestyle, had infrequentcontact with outsiders, had only recently had

    access to electricity and had not consulted Western

    health care providers about their symptoms, it is

    unlikely that the reporting of these symptoms had

    been learned or suggested to them. The author was

    careful during the interviews to refrain from

    asking leading questions and to restrict herself to

    inquiring about details or explanations. Key

    informants confirmed that many of these symp-

    toms or complaints were discussed in the village or

    market among middle-aged women. Curanderasand midwives confirmed that the womens descrip-

    tions depicted the common complaints brought to

    them by midlife women for treatment over the

    years.

    The differences in these findings with those

    previously reported by Beyene and Martin in

    Yucatan [5] is perplexing given the similarities in

    genetic background, parity and lifestyle in our

    Mayan women. Whether differences in diet, body

    weight, location or time since the previous study

    can explain these apparent differences remainsunknown. It is noteworthy that Yucatan Mayan

    women were described as stocky with a high

    body mass index [5] while the women I inter-

    viewed in highland Guatemala in general appeared

    malnourished and thin. It is known that adipose

    tissue is the principal site of estrogen formation in

    menopausal women by conversion of adrenal

    androstenedione to estrone by aromatase activity

    [7]. Slimmer North American women compared

    with women who are fatter are more troubled by

    hot flashes [1], and this may also be true for

    Mayan women. Phytoestrogens have also beenshown to diminish menopausal symptoms related

    to estrogen deficiency [8] and it is possible that

    differences in diet or herbal remedies between

    Mayan women in the Yucatan and Guatemala

    may also explain symptom differences. Whatever

    the explanation, it is clear that traditional Mayan

    women in the three villages described in Western

    Highland Guatemala, reported a range of symp-

    toms around menopause unlike their sisters in

    Yucatan.

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    Despite differences in symptom reporting, Ma-

    yan women in both Yucatan and Guatemala

    shared feelings and views on the significance of

    menopause that are at variance with the majorityof women in westernized, industrialized, youth

    oriented cultures. The Mayan women in both

    countries rejoiced at the cessation of periods and

    felt increased freedom and status, perhaps partly

    because they had spent most of their lives from

    puberty to menopause either pregnant or nursing.

    Menopause not only liberated them from preg-

    nancy and infant care but also allowed them more

    opportunity to participate in village ceremonies,

    religious activities, socialization and governance.

    In highland Guatemalan women the inconve-nience of temporary symptoms around the time of

    menopause was seen as normal and manageable

    with the support of midwives and friends. Perhaps

    the overall harshness of the highland Guatemalan

    womens daily lives, their ability to cope with

    transient symptoms at menopause, and to see them

    as natural events in the progression of moving

    towards greater status and freedom lead to an

    acceptance of any symptoms associated with

    menopause. This is hardly surprising, in the

    context of a high maternal and child death rate,chronic poverty, malnutrition, unremitting toil

    and 30-years of bloody civil war experienced by

    highland Guatemalan Mayan women. These find-

    ings again highlight the importance of interpreting

    symptoms around the time of menopause in a

    nutritional, biological, psychosocial, economic,

    political, geographic and cultural context [9,10].

    References

    [1] Stewart DE, Robinson GE. Introduction. In: Stewart DE,

    Robinson GE, editors. A clinicians guide to menopause.

    Washington, DC: American Psychiatric Publishing Inc,

    1997:1/7.

    [2] Weber GG. Cross-cultural menopause: a study in con-

    trasts. In: Stewart DE, Robinson GE, editors. A clinicians

    guide to menopause. Washington, DC: American Psychia-

    tric Publishing Inc, 1997:45/62.

    [3] Lock M, Kaufert P, Gilbert P. Cultural construction of the

    menopausal syndrome: the Japanese case. Maturitas

    1988;10:317/22.[4] Beyene Y. From menarche to menopause: reproductive

    lives of peasant women in two cultures. Albany: State

    University of New York Press, 1989.

    [5] Beyene Y, Martin MC. Menopausal experiences and bone

    density of Mayan women in Yucatan, Mexico. Am J Hum

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    [6] Mahler R. Guatemala adventures in nature, 2nd ed.. New

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    [7] Cleland WH, Mendelson CR, Simpson ER. Effects of

    aging and obesity on aromatase activity of human adipose

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    [8] Seidl MM, Stewart DE. Alternative treatments for meno-

    pausal symptoms. Systematic rev

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    [9] Stephens C. Womens experience at the time of meno-

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    [10] Lock M, Kaufert P. Menopause, local biologies, and

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