Bastien 1985 agricultura antigua

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JOSEPH W. BASTIEN

University

of

Texas, Arlington

Qollahuaya Andean Body Concepts: A

Topographical Hydraulic Model

of

Physiology

Ritual, pathological, and ethnophanacological data indicate that Qollahuaya Andeans have a

topographical-hydraulic model

f o r

understanding the physiology oftheir bodies. Qollahuayas look

to their

ayllu,

a mountain wi th three ecological levels, and i ts watenuays ji r understanding their

physiology. Analogously, Qollahuayas understand the body

s

a vertically layered axis with a

system

o

ducts through which air, blood, f a t , and waterJIow to an d j o m the

sonco

heart).

Blood and f a t , principles of life and energy, come together at the heart a n d f i w to the members

of the body in a hydraulic cycle ofcentripetal and centnhgal motion. The

sonco

is also a dis til-

lation center that combines respiratosy, digestive, and reproductiveJirnctions. Within this distil-

lation process, secondary flu ids bile, feces, gas, mi lk , phlegm, semen, sweat , and urine) are

produced that need to be eliminated. I fthese fluids accumulate, they become noxious and must be

pu rg ed jo m the body with carminatives, emetics, enemas, astings, dietary restrictions, and ba th .

Basically , the body is a hydraulic system with distillation, circulation, and elimination processes,

which operate by the centripetal and centnJigalforces ofl iquids.

N UNDER STANDI NG

OF

HOW

QOLLAHUAYA

NDEANSHINK about their bodies is

A

necessary precondition to the incorporation ofmodern medicine in th e Andes: cul-

tural barriers between practitioners of modern and traditional medicine present obstacles

to improving h ealth in th e Andes. According to a recent study

Evaluaci6n

1978:227),clin-

ics and health workers in rural Bolivia increased 80% between 1974 an d 1978, yet there

was a m inimal increase in clients, and health wo rkers complained

of

their ineffectiveness

with Andean peasants. I presented seminars to health workers during the summers

of

1982, 1983, and 1984 to help them understand how Andeans perceive causes, symptom s,

and treatments of sicknesses. Many Bolivian doctors an d nurses were, an d still are, un -

aware of how Andeans think abo ut their bodies.

In response, I analyzed Qollahuaya ritualistic, pathological, an d ethnopharm acolog-

ical data to posit a model of Qollahuaya ethnophysiology.

I

have done fieldwork amon g

the Qollahuaya since 1971 and collected data on ritual, pathology, and ethnopharma-

cology (Bastien 1973, 1978, 1982a, 1982b, 1983). Approximately 15,000 Qollahuayas live

in the Province Bautista Saaved ra of midwestern Bolivia at altitudes

of

2,500 to 5,000 m,

where they farm an d herd. Qollahuayas cure with medicinal plants, perform rituals, and

are famous in Andean countries, where they are called Lords of the Medicine Bag

Qolla Kapachaph)

(see Girault 1966, 1969, 1984; Oblitas 1963, 1968, 1969; Otero

1951; Stark 1972). Historically, they practiced brain su rgery, cured with plants, a nd em -

ployed a wide variety of medical paraphern alia, such as enema syringes and snuff trays,

as early as 700 A.D. (W ass tn 1972). During the Inca empire, they carried the emperors

chair (Poma d e Ayala 1936:331) and healed members

of

his family (Oblitas

1968).

Qol-

~

JOSEPH

W

ASTIEN

s

rofessor

of

Anthropology,

Dcparhntk

of

Sociology, Anthmpology,

and

Social

Work,

University

of

Texas,

Box

19599,

Arlington, X

76019.

595


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596

AMERICANNTHROPOLOGIST

[87, 1985

lahua ya herbalists traveled un til 1950, when they settled in urban centers of Argen tina,

Bolivia, an d P eru, where they co ntinue to cure in h erbal clinics (Bastien 1982a). Conse-

quently, Qollahuayas are traditional and widespread curers, and their ethnophysiology

is useful in understanding Andean body concepts in general. This is not to imply that

Qollahuaya ethnophysiology is universal to the Andes but that this model probably

shares stru ctural similarities to mod els of ethnophysiology in other regions of the Andes,

a comparison th at needs to be studied by ethnograph ers.

On e assumption abo ut Andean ethnophysiology is that it derives from Greek hu moral

theory. Th is is implicitly assumed in the writings of George Foster (1978) an d Ho racio

Fabrega 1973), who have generalized from the widespread use of hot an d cold categories

that Greek humoral pathology is the basis of Latin American folk medicine. Although

Greek humoral pathology apparently influenced Andean ethnophysiology , t is mislead-

ing to assume th at they are the same. I intend

to

explicate a model of Qollahuaya eth-

nophysiology from fieldwork data rather than assume a prototype in Greek humoral

though t. Wh ether Q ollahuaya ethnophysiology is pre-Co lumb ian in origin, derivative of

Greek humoral theory, or a com bination of both is a question for future ethnoh istorical

research.

Topographical Metaphor:AyUu

and Body

The first premise of this model is that Qollahuayas understand the body as a vertical

axis with three levels through which blood a nd fat flow from the center to the peripheral

in centripetal and centrifugal motion. The methodological assumption is that Qolla-

huayas look to their mountain-uyllu an d hydraulic systems for und erstan ding their phys-

iology. T he re is a w holeness characteristic to their uyllu t ha t is projected o n th eir body

concepts. Qollahuayas understand uyllu as a vertical triangu lar land mass divided into

high, center, and

low

ecological zones, in which co mm unities live; its solidarity is formed

by kinship ties, comm on ear th shrines, an d exchange of resources. Th er e ar e nine Qol-

lahuaya uyllus; my e thnograp hic da ta is selected from Ayllu K aa ta (see Bastien 1978 ), a

mountain with the three m ajor commu nities Nifiokorin, K aa ta, an d Apacheta. T h e peo-

ple of Nifiokorin are Quech ua speakers who farm corn, wheat, barley, peas, an d beans

on the lower slopes (3,200-3,500 m ). Th e people of K aa ta also cultivate

ocu Oxulis CYUS

sicuulis Zucc.) an d potatoes on rotated fields of the central slopes (3,5 00 4,2 50 m) . Th e

people of Apacheta speak Aymara a nd herd alpacas, llamas, and sheep on the highlands

(4,300-5,000 m ) of the uyllu. Trad itionally , the people from the three levels exchange pro-

duce and provide each other with the necessary carbohydrates, minerals, and proteins

for their balanced subsistence. The members of these communities maintain social ties

with each other by m arriage exchange a nd ritual kinship. The se social ties reinforce, as

well as originate from, econom ic ties between the p eople

of

the specialized com munities.

T h e people of Nifiokorin, K aa ta, a nd A pacheta historically referred to the integrity of

Ayllu K aa ta as similar to that of a hu ma n bo dy. Th is evidence is contained in legal doc-

uments from 1592 to 1928 held in Ka ata . When the governor of Ch araza ni usurped Ni-

fiokorin for his hacienda, Kaatans resisted and began a two-hundred-year battle

to

re-

store Nifiokorin to Ayllu Ka ata. T he K aa tan manuscripts also include sworn testaments

by aged In dian s, who attested

to

the solidarity of Niiiokorin with comm unities Ka at a and

Apach eta. Nea r the end of the 18th century, Pocomallcu, 80 years old, testified before a

representative of the Crow n. Niiiokorin belongs to Ka ata , he swore, because it is the

leg of its body (K aa tan manuscripts 1797:109).

Witnesses from other uyllus said that the Indians of Ayllu Kaata were authorized to

cultivate all of the body, which they had cultivated from time imm emorial (K aa ta n man -

uscripts 1796:66). In 1799, the Crow n decreed t ha t Nifiokorin belonged to Ayllu K aata:

since the m ountain constituted one geographical an d anatomical unit, its land a nd com-

munities belonged together (see Bastien 1979).

Presently, th e people of the three com munities use topographical place names tha t cor-


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Bastien] QOLWHLIAYA-ANDEANODY

CONCEPTS

597

respond to different levels and parts of the mountain/body metaphor. The upper level

(4,300-5,000 m ) has an uma (head), iawi (eyes), and wa ya (m ou th) ; the central level

(3,500 4,300 m) has a

sixa

(stomach) and

sonco

(heart);an d the lower level

(3,200-3,500)

has

chaqis

(legs) and

sillus

(toenails), which are indentations on the river. A principal

informant, Marcelino Yanahuaya, explained the mountain/body metaphor this way,

I

am the same as the mountain, Pachamama. Pachamama ha s fluids which flow through he r,

and

I

have fluids which flow through me. Pachamama takes care of my body, a nd I m ust

give food an d d rink to Pachamama.

T h e following is a su mm ary of how the people of the three com munities use the m et-

aphor of the human body to understand their

ayllu:

Apacheta corresponds to the hea d,

Kaata to the trunk, and Nifiokorin to the legs (see Figure

1).

Just as the parts of the

human body are organically united,

so

ar e the three levels of Ayllu K aa ta. Rivers, un-

derground stream s, and tunnels link the three levels together; Kaa ta ns perceive this sys-

tem as being similar to the human body with its conduits linking the head, trunk, and

appendages. Kaatans understand their mountain as a cyclical system in which the ele-

ments of disintegration (water , plants, a nd lan d) are in continual processes of transfor-

mation from de ath to life an d from life to de ath . At death, Dam aso Yan ahuay a explained,

the dead person is buried and his or her ajayu (fluid) flows inside the mountain to the

highland lakes where it enters into the highland lakes an d flows down th e mo untain . T h e

body also processes food an d water into vital properties, and a t the sam e time em its toxic

substances. Th e top of the m oun tain is symbolized in ritual a s the umapacha (head place),

which Andeans un derstand a s the point of origin and return for animals and hum ans .

Analogously, the hum an head is where air, food, water, and images enter the body: the

eyes are like the h ighland lakes where the reflected images of creation emerge. Im ages

reflected in m etapho r an d ritual are im portan t creative principles.

Figure I

Ayllu shrinesand anatomy

of

the mountains body.


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598

AMERICANNTHROPOLOGIST [87, 1985

T he m etaphor is essentially a comparison of analogous qualities between A ndeans and

their environment.* They un derstand their ow n bodies in terms of the moun tain, an d they

consider the m ountain in term s of their anatom y. Sickness, for example, is a disintegra-

tion of the hum an body similar to the landslide on the m ountain, a nd h ealth is restored

by feeding the complete moun tain. During healing rituals, diviners create a metaph orical

image of the body when they feed th e ea rth shrines of the mo unta in (see Bastien 1978:64-

77,

129-139). Diviners serve coca, blood, an d fat in 13 scallop shells to different eart h

shrines, which a re associated with topograp hical features of the three ecological levels

and with anatomical parts of the hum an body. T he shrines of Qowila and Kalla Ka lla

correspond to the arms a nd legs

of

the body; Pachaqota an d Zaqtalaya, to the eyes; Ka la,

to a teat; Wayra W isqhani, to the mouth; a nd M ojata, Yanachoj, and Phesqa Pat a, to

circulatory an d distillation processes associated with the sonco (hear t). Th e chief ritualist

of Ayllu Kaata, Sarito Quispe, said that the earth shrines of Kaata refer to the inner

organs of the body where blood and fat are processed: The blood and fat must be cir-

culated to the other parts of the mountain. This gives life to Pachamama. The under-

lying assum ption is that if he symbolically feeds th e earth shrines of the three levels of the

mountain, then the

ayllu

will be complete, and this will bring a bou t the com pleteness of

the body.

The organic wholeness projected on Mount Kaata originates from Kaatans under-

standing of their physical bodies. The body uqhuntin) consists of all the parts and only

those parts that form one inner self. Kaatans do not conceptualize interior faculties for

emotions an d thoug hts as being distinct from corporal organs. Rath er, they refer to their

bodies as w ithin or inside uqhu). T he body includes the inner self, an d experiences a re

not dualistically perceived as those of the psyche an d those of the body. A basic assum p-

tion of Qo llahu aya body concepts is that th e body is holistic and not dualistic; the su fi x,

nti

of

uqhuntin

expresses th at the whole is greater tha n the su m of the par ts, or a gestalt.

Wh oleness (h ea lth ) of the body is a process in which centripetal an d centrifugal forces

pull together and disperse fluids tha t provide emotions, thought, nutrients, an d lubri-

cants for the memb ers of the body. Moreover, this process extends beyond du alistic con-

fines of inne r and oute r, in that fluids of the body ar e governed by sim ilar dynam ics within

the environment. Fluids flow back and forth between the body a nd the mo untain, which

has a central axis and levels through which air and water flow inward and outward.

Centripetal and Centrifugal

Fluids

Th e dynamics

of

centripetal an d centrifugal motions ar e symbolically expressed in rit-

ual by the gathering an d disposal of ritual items, the m ovement of the flute players, an d

the different uses of blood and fat. Characteristic to Qollahuaya rituals is the bringing

together of ritual items from the three levels an d peripheries to the center, th e mixing of

these products, an d the dispersal to the earth shrines of the m ountain. T h e coming to-

gether symbolically of ritual foods an d dis tan t ear th shrines to the center in a ritual meal

is a meta pho r for the parts of the body, separate, yet united by th e flow of nutrie nts a nd

fluids to an d from the

sonco.

T h e

sonco

is where air, blood, food, an d water come together

in rapid movement and separate into other fluids (primarily fat, bile, milk, and semen)

an d by-products (feces, urine, an d sweat) . Although the sonco is translated as heart,

Qo llahua yas refer to it as a compression-distillation center, which performs circulatory ,

respiratory, an d digestive processes. (T he sonco is also associated with thou ght a nd emo-

tions, which a re qualities of the fluids.) Certain Qollahuayas, such as Ju an Wilka a nd

Damaso Y anahuay a, understand the process of

sonco

in term s of

tinku,

which refers to the

coming together of two streams, creating

a

turbulence that separates nutrients in the

water a nd fills it with air and foam. From this analogy, it is understood tha t the coming

together of liquids produces cen tripetal forces that not only separa te com ponen ts of fluids

b u t

also disperse them thro ugh the system.

Analogously, centripetal and centrifugal forces of circulation are expressed by the


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Bastien]

QOLLAHVAA-ANDEANODYCONCEPTS

599

dance of the flute players at the major agricultural ritual,

Khulluy Chujmay

(see Bastien

1978:7577). The flute players begin with a spiral, inward-directed counterclockwise

movement from east to west and end in an outward-directed clockwise movement from

west to east. Sarito Quispe says that the dancer s are like a spring th at w inds tightly in-

ward and then releases itself outward. Symbolically, this is a metaphor of centripetal

movement with

a

centralized focus in one direction, an d of centrifugal m ovement with

dispersal to the peripheries in the oth er direction. I t is representative of body fluids that

distill in the center an d disperse to the parts.

Air, blood, and fat are primary body fluids for Qollahuayas. Air

is

an invisible fluid

substance th at provides brea th to living things. People, plants, and an imals sha re in this

fluid, which is understood as a unitive principle between them. Ritualists brea the o n a

ritual offering to bond themselves with the recipient. Breath is associated with wind

wuyru), the cause of mu1 de

uire,

which includes muscle an d nerve disorders from paralysis,

such as Bells palsy, to muscle cramps. T his is treated ritually by blowing smoke on the

paralyzed muscle. Air concentrates in the

sonco

disperses to the muscles, and provides

movement. Conversely, wind blowing on the m uscles causes contractions a nd brings pa -

ralysis.

Blood and fat empower the body: blood ~ ~ u w u r )s the life principle a nd fat wiru) is the

energy principle. Ritualists use blood and fat differently, reflecting their conceptions

of

these fluids. Durin g

Khulluy Chujmuy,

they cut open a llama, remove its pulsating heart,

and sprinkle blood in a ro tating m ovement toward the peripheries of the

uyllu.

Th is sym-

bolizes the blood flowing from the

sonco

in a spiraling outward m ovem ent of centrifugal

force. In contra st, ritualists break llama fat into pieces and dis tribute them to the ear th

shrines. Th ey believe that fat is a semifluid, broken down a nd d istributed to the periph-

erals of the body, where

i t

is either stored

or

broken down for energy. Fa t is carried by

the blood to the parts of the body; for examp le, they diagnose a person with dark-colored

blood as having fatty blood. Within the

sanco

fat is separated from food by the force of

the blood com ing together in an inw ard spiral of centripetal movement. T his force, the n,

reverses itself in outw ard movement and disperses the fat and blood

to

the parts of the

body. Although blood circulates from the

sonco

to the peripheries by hyd raulic dynam ics,

it is l imited in supply and is not regenerati~e.~ollahuayas believe that by the age of

seven a person h as acquired his or her amo unt

of

blood for life: if du ring h is lifetime he

loses some blood, there is no way of recovering

i t ,

except by a transfusion , which is com-

parab le to receiving gold (personal conversation with Dr. Abraham Mariaca) 4 Andeans

also attrib ute illnesses, such as debility a nd depression, to the

loss

of blood in the past.

This is one reason why it is difficult to take blood samples from Qollah uayas , as well as

from other A ndeans.

Qollah uaya herbalists vary in the way they classify blood. On e elderly herbalist, Ju an

Wilka, classifies bloods as stron g, weak, frightened, an d exhausted. F or example, he di-

agnosed the pulse of one patient, Elsa Yanahuaya, as weak because a landslide had

thinned her blood w ith water. H e suggested th at she receive new blood by transfusion.

Many herbalists refer to the qualities

of

blood according to four symbols: hot a nd cold,

wet an d dry . T hese qualities refer to when the blood is too fast (h ot) , too slow (cold) , too

thick ( w et) , an d too thin ( dr y) . Herbalists diagnose these qualities by a sop histicated

system of reading the pulse. Sometimes they combine qualities: hot and wet blood is as-

sociated with energetic people and refers to fast-moving blood with much fat. Because

the rates ofconcentration an d dispersal are high, the central organs and the members a re

exchanging fluids at a rate th at is not calibrated to similar dynamics in the sur roun ding

environm ent. Sometimes these people upset those around them w ith expressions of ange r

and pow er. Hot and dry blood is symp tomatic of tachycardia

or

thinly ox ygenated blood

and refers to rapidly dispersing blood with little air and fat. Cold and wet blood is symp-

tomatic ofa rth riti s and refers to sluggish blood th at does not disperse to the muscles. Cold

and dry blood is symp tomatic of respiratory ailments an d refers to blood with a low con-


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600 AMERICANNTHROPOLOGIST

[87, 1985

centration of air and a slow rate of dispersal to the parts of the body. Correspon ding to

the diagnosis, herbalists prescribe an herb to regulate hydraulic forces of the blood.

Qollahuayas also attrib ute sickness to

loss

of fat. P hysiolog ically, fat is esteemed in th e

Andes, where it

is

cold at night with few sources of heat besides the human body. The

impo rtance of fat is symbolically expressed in languag e an d ritual. Viraqocha means Lake

of Fat and is the term for gentleman. I t also refers to a creatodd eity who arose from

Lake Titicaca and created earth, sun, an d people (Paredes 1963:37-38). Modern Qolla-

huayas spread llama fat over a person to annoint him or her with political and ritual

authority. A healthy Qollahuaya has fat; someone sick lacks fat. A common ailment is

ma1 de higado (liver ailment), which Andeans recognize as a problem of fat metabolism.

As they see it, fat remains in the sonco because there is insufficient bile to break it down

so

that undistilled fat clogs the ducts and cannot be dispersed to the muscles. Qolla-

huayas, as well as other Andeans, attribute a serious sickness, liquichado, to the sudden

an d m ysterious removal of fat by

a kharisiri.

A

kharisiri

(cu tter) is usually a doctor, lawyer,

or

priest who travels at night to remove fat from peasants (see Ob litas 1963:30).

I observed one instance of liquichado in Cacachaqa, an Aymara community between

Or uro and Potosi, on July

1 7

1982.

Although this clinical case was outside Qo llahua ya

territory, Qollahuaya herbalists reported similar treatments. Marcelino,

25

years old,

had been sick for a year. H e had a high fever, was weak, and w alked with crutches. T h e

nurses assistant had diagnosed the disease as tuberculosis of the kidneys, and he had

treated Marcelino with antibiotics. On the other hand, the village diviner claimed that

M arcelino was a v ictim of the kharisiri. Marcelino agreed an d said that someone removed

his fat with an

aparato

(a pp ar atu s) while he was traveling, partially intoxicated from

chicha

(corn beer), in the bed of a truck through a mestizo community. Because he was in an

intoxicated slum ber, he could not recall how this was done. T h e diviner treated M arce-

lino with foods high in fa t: soup from the m arrow ofburro bones and fat from the pancreas

of sheep. At first, M arcelino recovered but suffered a relapse several months later when

he became intoxicated with

chicha.

T he diviner prescribed more fat for his diet an d per-

formed

a turga

ritual, in which he went into a trance to talk with M other E arth , the Dead

Supaya), and Condor. T h e diviner scolded and pun ished these deities for taking Marce-

linos fat, and for trying to take his life. In exchange, the diviner agreed to send them

llama fat llampu) and other ritual items. At daw n, the diviner distributed the llama fat

to the principal earth shrines around the comm unity.

In analysis, the etiology and treatment of liquichado is homologous to the hydraulic

cycle. A

kharisiri

enters the back of the body (opposite to the nav el), where it extracts fat

in a noncyclical or exploitive manner. T h e afflicted person continually loses fluids, es-

pecially fat, unless diviners

1 )

restore the persons fat and

2)

stop the noncyclical dis-

persal of fat. Diviners do this by feeding the person fatty foods and by correcting the cycle

with below-earth

Supaya),

earth

Pachamama),

and sky

Condor).

Diviners treat the phys-

iological system with concentrates of fat, thereby utilizing centripetal m otion, b ut they

also restore the persons position with regard to the cosmo logical system, by com mu ni-

cating with the three levels of the universe (utilizing centripetal m otion), a nd the envi-

ronm ental system, by distributing llama fat to the peripheral ea rth shrine s (utilizing cen-

trifugal m otion).

Inh erent in Qo llahu aya pathology is the belief that vital fluids can be dispersed from

the body to the environm ent.

Liquichado

is loss of fat.

Chullpa

(osteomyelitis) is caused by

digging near the site of an ancestor grave. In certain instances, diarrhea in children is

often believed to be caused by the m other u rinating in a cave at night. Venereal disease

is attributed either to urinating in the wind or in a fire. Tapeworms, hookworms, and

roundworm s are attributed to eating e arth and walking barefoot.

Susto

(fright) is the dis-

persal of ajayu (fluid-emotions) from the body to the land or water: its symptom s are diar-

rhea, low fever, depression , melancholy, lack of app etite, an d nervous ticks. Rub el 1964)

explains it as

loss

of soul

or

spirit, either alma or animo, but for Andeans these term s sug-

gest Western ideas of imm ortality. Qollahu ayas believe th at fright causes fluids, associ-


7/17

Bastien]

QOLLAU AYA-ANDEANODYCONCEPTS 60 1

ated with emotions, to surge from the body a nd

to

enter either a stream

or

the earth . Animo

is a

fluid th at gives consistency to the body (Ob litas 1963:32) and psychologically links

it together. In Quechua, animo is called juchuy ajayu, (small ajayu), and alma, jatun ajayu

(large ajayu). When people lose their juchuy ajayu, they begin to dry u p (blood gets thin,

skin becomes pale, and the body becomes ema ciated). When people lose their

jatun ajayu,

they die because their bodies have dried u p (Ob litas 1963:32-33). In o ther wo rds, Qol-

lahuayas consider

animo

and

alma

fluids tha t flow through the body, sim ilar to electrical

energy; they are invisible but connect all parts sim ultaneously with a charged substan ce.

Qollahuayas distinguish animo from alma, in that animo is used to describe the beg inning

or temporary depa rture of this fluid, and alma, the per man ent dispersal of the fluid. Animo

and alma are not conceived as entities but

as

fluids circulating by centripe tal an d centrif-

ugal motions within the body;

su s t o

is the temporary dispersal of these fluids, which may

result in d eat h unless a diviner recovers the

animo

in a stream and returns it to the sick

person (see Bastien 1978:152-154). Health is restored by the infusion off luid s within th e

dry body. Living bodies are centers where fluids circulate by dynam ics of concentration

and d ispersal. They a re in cyclical exchange between the wet and dry. D ead bodies have

had all their fluids dispersed from them. Th is partially explains And eans fixation with

mumm ification of their de ad (see Allen 1982 for the relationship of we t an d d ry cycles to

the living and de ad ).

Medicinal Plants

and

Ethnophysiology

Qollahuaya ethnop harmacology further sub stant ia tes a topographical-hydraul ic

model of physiology. One ch aracteristic of this model is a n exchange of ingredients be-

tween the eart h and body. Although Q ollahua ya herbalists employ plants, many of which

have active ingredients with therapeutic effects, they believe that the ear th provides t he

cure in certain p lants tha t are the gifts of Pachamama (Mother Earth)

to

humans. Ingre-

dients are transferred from the earth through the plants to themselves. T h e most comm on

method of administering h erbs is by steeping parts of the plant in a cu p of boiled wa ter,

called

matt.

The assumption is that the plant concentrates and distills substances from

the earth a nd then distrib utes these energies through the leaves (an oth er expression of

the centripetal an d centrifugal forces concentrating an d circulating fluids from the ce nter

to the perip heral). The se substances ar e released from the leaves by steeping in a mati,

which is dr un k, distilled, a nd dispersed in the sick persons body. Qollahu ayas also be-

lieve tha t the Qollah uaya region

Qolla

means herbs, and huaya means place) h as the most

efficacious plants not only because of its rich minerals, climate, and topography but also

because their ayllus and mountains are a t the center.

Clinically, herbalists are primarily concerned with the circulation, distillation, and

elimination of fluids. I studied the use of medicinal plants by three noted Qollahuaya

herbalists, Florentino Alvarez, Nestor L laves, and M ari o Salcedo, from 1979 until 1984

(see Bastien 1982a, 1982b, 1983a, 1983b). First, herb alists diagnose the persons sickness

by feeling the pulse and analyzing the urine. They take the urine sample early in the

morning, observe

it

in the sunlight, and identify certain diseases by its clarity, color, and

density. Qualities within blood and urine are important indicators of circulation and

elimination processes. From the pulse and temperature of the body they diagnose

whe ther the blood is hot, cold, wet,

or

dry. Correspon ding to the diagnosis, they prescribe

an herb

to

regulate concentration, dispersal, and elimination processes. Herb alists cate-

gorize herbs as hot, warm , cordial, and fresh. Hot and w arm refer

to

the degree to which

a plant causes fluids to come together and to flow faster to the peripheries, described

therapeutically as emmenagogues, emetics, cardiotonics, cardiopulmonaries, expecto-

rants, galactopoiesis, linaments, p urgatives, and sudorifics. Cord ial and fresh herbs slow

down distillation a nd dispersal processes

of

fluids, primarily biliary reg ulants

or

refriger-

ants, carminatives, disinflamants, hemostatics, stomachics, and tranquilizers. Classifi-

cation of plants into hot and cold, then, follows a hydraulic ethnophysiology. Table

1


8/17

602

AMERICANNTHROPOLOGIST [87, 1985

contains an analysis of therapeutic uses of

89

plants (see Bastien 1983 for the nam es,

taxonomic identification, classification, and therapeutic uses of each plant). M any ther-

apeutic uses provided in T abl e

1 fit

into hyd raulic categories.

Herbalists therapeutic applications of vegetable drugs follow empirical observation

an d theoretical assumptions based on hydrau lic conceptions of the body. By observation,

practice, an d learning, Qollahuayas at trib ute therapeutic uses to herbs according to the

Table 1

Therapeutic properties

and

physiology.

No. of

No.

of

herbs

YO

herbs YO

HUM OR S

Blood

1. emmenagogue

2.

hemostatic

3. purify

4. coagulant

5. control sugar

6. draw blood

7.

strengthen

8. cardiotonic

9. cardiopulmonary

Total

Biliary

1.

emetic

2. regulant

3. refrigerant

4. febrifuge

5. purgative

6. antiseptic

Total

Ufinary

1 . antiseptic

2. diuretic

3. disinflammatory

Total

Milk

1.

galactopoiesis

Phlegm

1. expectorant

Sweat

1. sudorific

6 3.8

4 2.5

3 1.9

2 1.3

1

.6

1

.6

1 .6

1 .6

2 1.3

21

13.4

5 3.2

4 2.5

2 1.3

1 .6

.6

.6

14 8.9

5 3.2

5 3.2

2 1.3

12 7.6

3 1.9

10 6.4

6 3.8

PROCESSING ORGANS

Respiratory

1.

expectorant 10 6.4

2.

sudorific 2 1.3

3. pectoral 1 .6

Total 13 8.3

Digestive

1. stomachic 5 3.2

2. verm ifuge 4 2.5

3. carminative

2

1.3

4. emetic 2 1.3

5. purgative

2

1.3

Total

Reproductive

1.

emmenagogue

2. hemostatic

3. stimulant

4. tranquilizer

5.

contraceptive

6. abortifacient

7.

aphrodisiac

15

6

2

2

1

1

1

1

9.6

3.8

1.3

1.3

.6

.6

.6

.6

To tal 14 8.9

FRAME

Muscles Bones

1. linim ent 12 7.6

2.

glutinous 6 3.8

3. thermic 1 .6

4. vermifuge 1 .6

5. stimulant

2

1.3

To tal 22 14.0

Senses Neural

1 .

analgesic 9 5.7

2. tranq uilizer 5 3.2

3. antis eptic 5 3.2

4. disinflammatory 3 1.9

5. stimulant

3

1.9

6 antidote 1 .6

Total

26 16.6

Grand To tal 156

100

T ota l (156) is greater than num ber of plants 89)because some plants have more th an one ther-

apeutic use.


9/17

Bastien] QOLLAHUAYA-ANDEANODY

CONCEPTS 603

effects tha t the herbs have on the body, depen ding on whether they mak e a person sweat

(sudorific), reduce fever (febrifuge), remove mucous (expe ctorant), calm pain (analg e-

sic), regulate bile (biliary regulan t), cause menstruation (emm enagogue), increase lac-

tation (galactopoiesis), repel worms (vermifuge), relax muscles (liniment, tranq uilizer),

dispel poisons (emetics and purgatives), an d m ore. Th is is an em pirical knowledge based

on active ingredients in certain plants h aving th erapeu tic effects: for example, qu inine

Cinchona calisaya Wedd.) is an effective febrifuge for malaria, cocaine Etythsoxylum coca

Lam) and bocanine Bocconia integrijilia

H.

B.) are analgesics, a nd digitalis Digitalis

purpurea L.) is an imp ortant medicine for treating congestive heart failure (ed em a). Qol-

lahuay a herbalists claim tha t pharmaceutical companies, such as In ti an d Vita in La Paz,

have taken m ore than 50 vegetable drugs discovered by the Qollah uayas for use in pha r-

maceutical products.

Th is empirical science corresponds to their conceptions of the body. Qollah uayas em-

ploy plants for certain therape utic effects according to how they understand hu m an phy s-

iology. Figure

1

indicates the following:

(1)

42% of the therapeutic uses are concerned

with liquids (blood, bile, milk, phlegm, urine, and w ater)

or

fluids ( air , food, and fecal

matter);

(2)

28% are concerned with regulating and purifying the condu its an d process-

ing organs; an d (3 ) 30% deal with pain an d injuries of the skin, muscles, an d bones. Th is

explains the herbalists style of adm inistering medicinal pla nts in mate, compresses, cook-

ing, plasters, enem as, suppositories, massages, and baths (see medicinal uses in Bastien

1983b and SE M TA 1984:85-150). Th is further supports the hypothesis that these An-

deans understand the human body as a hydraulic system characterized by a muscular-

skeletal framework and conduits throu gh which air, blood, feces, milk, phlegm, sem en,

sweat, and urine flow.

Qollahuaya herbalists classify plants by how they affect the flow of primary and sec-

ondary fluids, eliminate noxious by-products, and cleanse passageways. T his ethnop hys-

iology consists in the circulation of primary fluids (air, blood, an d w ater) and semifluids

(fat and food) with distillation processes (breathing, digestion, and reproductiveness)

,

which produce secondary fluids (phlegm , bile, gas, milk, semen, sweat, an d urine) a nd

secondary semifluids (feces), tha t need to be regularly eliminated. If these processed

fluids accumu late, they become noxious and m ust be purged from the body w ith carmi-

natives, emetics, enemas, fastings, dietary restrictions, and baths. Basically, herbalists

perceive the body as a hydraulic system with centripetal and centrifugal forces that con-

trol the distillation, circulation, and elimination of fluids.

Topographical HydraulicModels n

Andean

History

T he Qollah uaya topo graphical-hydraulic model has certain prototypes in Andean his-

tory. T he application of anatom ical paradigms to land an d society is found a mo ng early

Peruvians, who planned the space in their ancient cities according to the metaphors of

birds and animals (Richard Schaedel, personal comm unication, 1978). Th ey m ade o ut-

lines of large anim als on the surface of the N azca valley between 200 an d 600 A.D.,

(W.

Isbell 1978:14&153; Maso n 1968:88). Dur ing the 14th an d 15th centuries, the Inca s de-

signed Cuzco according to the m etapho r of

a

puma (Rowe 1967:60). T h e Huarochiri leg-

ends, preconquest o ral traditions of the Cen tra l Andes, depicted the crest of the moun tain

as the head, the central slopes as the chest and shoulders, and the places where two rivers

diverge below the central slopes as the crotch an d legs. Th ro ug ho ut the conquest, met-

aphors persisted, and today the people of Jesus de Mac haca, a comm unity near T ia-

huanaco, B olivia, still refer to their land as divided and integrated according to the par ts

of

a

cougar (Albo 1972:788-790).

Inca Cosmology

Hydraulic dynamics

of

centripetal and centrifugal forces share c ertain features with

Earls an d Silverblatts (1978) model of In ca cosmology. First there w as

a

flood, Uno Pa-


10/17

604


[87,

1985

chacuti, which symbolized the centrifugal dispersal of water. After the waters receded,

earth was uncovered, lagoons, rivers, and lakes were formed.

Mamacocha

(Mother W ater)

emerged to rule the aquatic elements, and Viracocha (Lake of Fat) performed his creator

acts and disap peared in the ocean. Early conqu est legends symbolize Lake Titicaca a s a

vertical axis of water th at connects the highest w aters of Lake Po opo in the east with the

lowest waters of the Atlantic Oc ean in th e west by the rivers of Desag uadero an d Pilco-

mayo. From this, Earls and Silverblatt conceptualize the geometrical structure of Inca

cosmology. Lake T iticaca is a vertical axis, like a funnel, throug h which wa ter flows in a

concentrated upward movement to the surface, where

it

disperses in evaporation. This

forms clouds and rain, which descend to the earth. T h e water then soaks into the groun d

an d enters the underground rivers that flow to Lake Titicaca. Th e dynamics of this hy-

drographic circulation are that the centrifugal movement of the water (evaporation,

flooding, rain) begins outside-above an d the cen tripetal movem ent begins within-below.

In comparison, Qollahuayas apply a similar cosmology to their body. O ne distinction

in the Qollahuaya model is that the movement of fluids is reversed: fluids are received

through the nose and mo uth, then travel downward to the sonco, a center w here beneficial

fluids ar e dispersed to the peripherals, an d noxious fluids to the bottom. T h e Lake T iti-

caca model posits th at water soaks in the ground a nd e nters undergro und rivers th at flow

to the center, Lake T iticaca. These waters are compressed (mixed with fat [viraqocha])

and compelled upward for dispersal to th e land. Th is difference provides another dimen-

sion toward understand ing Andean cosmology; lakes and mountains sha re similar inter-

related hydrau lic dynam ics. Tog ether, they c reate centripetal an d centrifugal forces: riv-

ers and lakes concentrate fluids from the peripheral toward the center (rivers, dow nw ard,

and lakes, upw ard ), and the surround ing land disperses fluids from the center to the pe-

ripheral, and conversely. Lakes flow upward and are regulated by centripetal forces,

which bring together mo isture from su rrou ndin g areas. Lakes would be parallel to dis-

tillation p rocesses within the bo dy. Rivers flow downw ard a nd ar e regulated by centrif-

ugal forces, which circulate fluids to a nd from t he lakes. R ivers symbolize vessels of the

body. The mountain brings lakes and rivers together into a geophysical structure that

combines this upward and downward flow of fluids by absorption, compression, inter-

nalized movem ent of water upw ard (sprin gs), an d distillation (different types of wate r).

The mountain is consequently a metaphor for Qollahuaya physiology because its geo-

physical mass makes it a un it, which is a unified hy draulic stru cture based on th e inter-

dynamic flow of fluids between land, lakes, and rivers. Consequently, the mountain

serves as a holistic metaph or for Qollahu aya ethnophysiology, not only because it has a

vertical axis but also because

i t is

a structura l unit transformed into a whole by th e pro-

cess of centripetal an d centrifugal hy draulics.

Aymaras of Poopo

I d o not contend that all Andeans sh are similar body concepts to the Qollahuayas , but

one conclusion from this research is a methodological process for uncovering ho w A n-

dean s perceive their physiology. Th is methodology is to examine their percep tions of land

and w ater. For exam ple, the Aym aras of Poopo, Bolivia 64 km south of O ru ro ), divide

the body into four parts, similar to their division of fields and com mun ities into qu arters.

A vertical axis divides the bo dy into a right a nd left side kupisa anchi and cheqasajanchi),

and a horizontal axis at the waistline divides the body into upper and lower halves

alajasa anchi and aynachasa anchi). Th ey distinguish four parts: a la ja kupisa anchi (upper

right side), ulujja cheqasa janchi (upper left side), aynacha kupisa janchi (lower right side),

and aynacha cheqasajanchi (lower left side). Pain and disease are often contained in one

of these parts. The y say, for exam ple, Kupisapeqe usutu; kupisa anchi usutaraquiniwa (the

left side of my head is sick, and the left sid e of my body will also becom e sick).

One difference between Qollahuaya ethnophysiology and that of the Aymaras in

Poopo is the division of the body into

four

parts . Th e imp ortance of four-part division in

Andean culture has been documented by scholars. Earls and Silverblatt (1978:300)


11/17

Bastien]

QOLLAHUAYA-ANDEANODY ONCEPTS 605

write that the basis of Andean spatial order is the division into quarters based on the

movement

of

the sun in relation to the eart h

or,

as Urton (1981) writes, the movement of

the Milky Way.

R. T.

Zuidem a (1964) writes th at the Incas divided Cuzco into four parts.

The Inca empire was popularly called Tawantinsuyo,

or Four

places inasmuch a s

they constituted a whole. Geo graphical differences, however, explain why the A ymaras

divided the body into four parts, whereas the Qollahuayas divided it into three. These

Aym aras farm on one level of the Altiplano, whereas the Qollahuayas have three ecolog-

ical levels on their m ountain. Moreover, the Aym aras of Poop0 are miners wh o are aw are

of the noxious fluids that flow from the earth,

so

they posit the beneficial and noxious

fluids of the body. Q ollahu ayas have saline springs, which they com pare to emission of

sweat and urine from the body. The point is that a hydrographic model for ethnophys-

iology derives not only from historical patterns but also from a processual-reflective re-

lationship of Andeans with their lan d an d water, which differs regionally an d from com -

munity to community.

Quechuu Lexemes

Quechua speakers conception of the body is also influenced by their conception of

geographical to p ol o b. Louisa Stark (1969:59) has shown tha t the body is not only de-

scribed in terms of land; roundn ess and hollowness are also distinguished. Qu ech ua lex-

emes for the head follow this pattern : each lexeme has a seman tic compo nent t ha t denotes

concavity

tuqu

[hole], with

iuwi

[eye],

ninr i

[ear],

sinqa

[nose]; and

uxu

[cavity], with

simi

[m ou th]) and one that denotes convexity

kupah,

with

iuwi

and

ninri; rupra

[exterior],

with sinqu; and wirpu [rounded], with simi) . Semantic patterning of convex chest has

the constituents

iiuriu

(breast) and qusqu wuyqu (chest ravine);

siki

(buttocks) have as

constituents siki

pula

(buttoc ks ledge) and

siki

wuku (buttocks furrow); and wusu (back)

has as con stituents

wusu muqu

(shoulder blades

or

back hill) and

wusu wuyqu

(shoulder

break) (see Ta ble

2 ) .

This patterning of roundness and hollowness is related to the overlap between body

parts and geographical domains in Q uec hua . T h e simple lexemes have m eanings cover-

ing more th an body aspects. T he first eight of the simple lexemes are egressive transfers;

that is, the sem antic dimension of the body p art is extended away from its original dom ain

to include a geographical dom ain. Th e body-part m eaning is primary, a nd the extended,

geographical meaning is secondary. T h e exception is muqu, in which the prima ry m eaning

is hill and the secondary meaning is knee. The overlap of geographical and body-part

domains also extends to compound lexemes, which often consist of a body part plus a

topographical term. The compound lexemes represent ingressive transfers; that is, the

geographical m eaning of a lexeme is extended to the do main of body parts. O n e of Starks

conclusions (1969:9) is that Qu ech ua speakers conception of the body as composed of

convex an d concave contra sts is influenced by their conception of topology in which con -

trasts between convex and concave entities exist on a far grand er scale than on the bod y.

Combining Starks conclusion with mine and those of Earls and Silverblatt, it appears

that Andeans distinguish convexity and concavity as important features for their body

and land because roundness and hollowness are imp ortant to hydraulic physiology and

irrigation systems. T h e geography a nd ecology of the ayllu are important to Andeans for

their subsistence and physiology. This shows how homologies between geography and

physiology are based on comm on hyd raulic dynamics.

Comparison

with

Greek Humoral

Theory

Greek hum oral pathology derives from the cosmology of Ionian philosophers of the 6 th

century B.C., who taught that the world was made up of four primary elements: fire,

earth, water, and uer (air, vapor, m ist) (see Edelstein 1967 and Sarton 1954). Correspond -

ing to these elements, the body is made up offou r fluids, which circulate freely througho ut

the relatively stable and solid tissues of the body. Th ree fluids correspond to bodily pro-


12/17

606


[87 1985

Table 4

Simple lexemes Body part meaning Geographical meaning

kunka

tiawi

rixra

sinqa

uma

wasa

sixa

siki

muqu

neck

eye

shoulder

nose

head

back

stomach

buttocks

knee

small chasm in mountain

spring

shoulder of mountain

mountain ridge

mountain peak

other side of mountain

small

hill

foot of a hill

hill

Compound lexemes Body part meaning Literal meaning

t ki muqu

h k i p u p

taki pampa

qasqu P U X Y

qasqu

EUEU

qasqu wayqu

siki pata

siki waka

wasa wayqu

wasa muqu

simi pata

simi wirpa

simi uxu

ninri tuqu

ninri kapachu

sinqa tuqu

sinqa rapra

tiawih tuqu

ankle

arch of foot

sole of foo

furrow between the chest

and diaphragm

area between breasts

breast

buttocks

buttocks

area between shoulder blades

shoulder blade

eye socket

area between nose and mouth

lips

mouth opening

ear opening

outer ear

interior of nostril

outer nose

foot

hill

foot well

foot field

chest well

chest ravine

chest

hill

buttock ledge

buttocks furrow

back ravine

back

hill

eye hole

mouth ledge

rounded

mouth

mouth cavity

ear hole

ear cape

nose hole

nose

cesses: blood flows from wounds, phlegm drips from the nose, and yellow bile is vomited.

The fourth fluid, black bile, was added for symmetry. According to Foster

1978:5):

Each fluid, or humor, was believed marked by a complexion stemming from one each of two

opposing pairs ofqualities ofthe four elements, viz.: blood-hot and moist;phlcgm-coldand moist;

yellow bile (or choler)-hot and dry; bluck bile or melancholy)-cold and dry. Health, said

Alcmaeon, was a condition of cucrasis, of equilibrium or balance, of the proper mixing of the

humors, while illness resulted from dyscrasis, and upset in this equilibrium sometimes, but not

necessarily, caused by an excess of heat or cold.

This

doctrine

of

humors was adopted by Hippocrates, born about 460 B.C., and in-

corporated into a collection ofmedical treatises, Hipkocrutic Corpus.The four humors were

dissimilar in their qualities of heat, cold, dryness, and moisture, and the physician treated

disease by the

principle

ofopposition Chadwick and Mann 1950:5,205-207). Foods and

herbs were characterized by paired qualities of hot or cold, and moistness or dryness

Foster 1978:7). The physicians of Greek humoral pathology emphasized balance

(Fa-

brega

1973:236-237):

health was signified by a warm, moist body maintaining equilib-

rium among the blood, phlegm, yellow bile, and black bile. Sickness resulted from hu-

moral imbalance caused by an excess of one of the four humors. There was

a

strong cul-

turally sanctioned emphasis on the restoration of balance. Food, drinks, herbs, and


13/17

Bastien] QOLUHUAYA-ANDEANODYCONCEPTS

607

medicinal su bstances were classified into hot

or

cold categories and were used to main tain

health

or

return the body to a previous healthful state. Em otions reflected the degree of

balance in social relation.

In com parison, Andean and Greek hum oral systems are based on analogies from n a-

ture. Greek hum oral pathology began, not in medicine per se, but in philosophical spec-

ulation and scientific experimentation concerning the nature of the universe. The uni-

verse was composed of four elements-fire, water, earth, an d aer- co rre sp on din g to four

body fluids; to emotions, personality types, seasons, and sickness. T h e body w as analo-

gous to the universe, seasons, and personality types within society. Moreover, there was

interaction between the systems; diseases related to seasons and were cured by change of

seasons. Hippocrates wrote in On the Number Seven th at a disea se will end well if the seaso n

is not on its side but fights along with medicine; for generally speaking, mans nature

cannot overcome the na ture of the universe (Ed elstein 1967:72). I have shown in this

paper tha t Qollah uaya h ydraulic physiology is rooted in analogies between these Ande-

ans an d their lan d. As did the Greeks, the Andeans perceive similarities and relationships

between physiology, geology, an d climate. Basic to both systems are ideas of nature, an al-

ogously expressed through the co mpo nents of the system, such as parallels between ele-

ments of the universe and bodily humors for the Greeks an d metapho rical relationships

between a mo untain a nd body parts for the Qollahuayas. M oreover, terms of the universe

are no t only reflective

of

each other but also interdynam ically related so tha t Greeks need

the season on their side to get well and Qollah uayas have to feed the earth shrines of the

mountain

to

make their bodies complete and h ealthy.

In contrast, An deans differ from Greeks in the u nder standin g of nature. Basically, the

Greeks understood n ature a s a system in balance,

or

to be kept in balance, and A ndea ns

view nature as a system in cycle. One concentrates more on symmetry, a steady state,

and the other em phasizes the cycle of fluids, implying a certain an d necessary assym etry

of hodcold, and we ddr y, which causes a pendulumlike movement. Implicit to Qolla-

huaya theory are hydraulic dynamics in which liquids are concentrated

or

distilled

by

centripetal forces and dispersed to the periphery by centrifugal forces. For early G reeks,

health was the balance (equ ilibrium ) of four humors-hot and cold, wet and dry-to

maintain a steady state. Extremes w ere to be avoided. Sickness resulted from

dyscrasisor

imbalance of humo rs, other body fluids, food,

or

human activity. Disease was synony-

mous with a disturbance of balance (disproportion of the parts). The relationship be-

tween the various p arts w as continually subject to change because of the co nstant intak e

of fresh nourishm ent, because of constantly new activities, and because of auto ma tic sea-

sonal increases and decreases in the body fluids or in their circulation und er the influence

of hot and cold. For this reason, everyone tried a t all times to correct the imb alance as it

arose (Ede lstein 1967:6 3-70). Ho dco ld, we dd ry were impor tant because they influenced

the b alance of hum ors.

For Qollahuaya Andeans, on the other han d, health is the cycle

of

fluids an d semifluids

(water, air, blood, an d food) all of which, except blood, ar e distilled in to secondary fluids

(mucus, bile, sweat, urine, gas, milk, and sem en) and semifluids (feces an d fat ), which,

except for fat, need to be eliminated regularly, and become toxic if they accum ulate. Dis-

ease is synonymous with stopping the cycle of circulating blood, distilling fluids, and

eliminating waste products (which are also recycled). Hodc old , wedd ry are imp orta nt

factors because they influence the fluidity

of

this cyclical hydraulic system.

Similarities and basic structural difference between Qollahuaya and Greek humoral

theory suggest several hypotheses for future research:

1 )

Qollahuaya hum oral theory is

indigenous in origin,

(2)

it is an assimilative product of contact between two traditions,

or

(3)

it is a postcontact inven tion. The re is need for more research into ethno historical

da ta to determine which hypothesis is valid. R esearch is needed in other pa rts of the An-

des to ascertain to w hat ex tent Qollahuaya hydraulic phy siology is characteristic of An-

dean humoral theory in general. Finally, to what degree do the formal patterns of hu-


14/17


[87, 1985

moralism resemble

or

differ from each othe r in different civilizations (A nde an, Chinese,

Hindu, and Mediterranean).5

Summary

ndConclusion

A topographical-hydraulic model is proposed for explaining Qollahuaya ethnophys-

iology. T h e body is a vertical axis with three levels: head, trun k, an d mem bers thro ugh

which fluids flow from the center to the parts and back by centripetal and centrifugal

motion. Fluids come together at the sonco, a distillation center that includes digestive,

respiratory, reproductive, and circulatory processes, in a n inward spiral. T he fluids are

broken dow n, distilled into other fluids, an d dispersed throu ghout the body in an outw ard

spiral. Distillation is the compressed movement of fluids to the center: this separates

fluids, such as fat, from the food. Dispersal is the circu lating of the fluids to the parts of

the body for storage, release of energy, an d elimination.

This model explains Qollahuaya etiology that attributes diseases to the following

causes: (1) fluids dispersing from the body to th e land sus t o , diarrhea, V.D.),

2)

loss of

blood and fat liquichado), 3) too much wind ma1 de

aire), 4)

improper circulation of

fluids an d blockage of duc ts,

5 )

accum ulation of noxious fluids,

6)

upsetting distillation

processes by improp er m ixing of fluids, an d 7 ) skewed relationships with the land . Con-

sequently, herbalists ar e primarily concerned w ith the circulation, distillation, dispersal,

and elimination of fluids.

This model also coordinates the ritual activities of Qollahuaya diviners with the eth-

nopharmacological practices of the herbalists. It explains how both are related to th e ayllu

and its topographical-hydraulic features. Th e model is deduced from a methodology tha t

assumes that there are homologous structures or structu ral similarities between systems

in nature a nd culture. Within A ndean society, the use of metaphors a nd anatomical par-

adigms for und erstanding land an d society is well documented. T hi s research goes a step

further to show how the land an d its hydraulic features serve as a model for und erstan d-

ing how the body w orks. It also posits a structural basis for why Qollahuayas prepa re

mesa

(ritual tables) to feed the eart h shrines of the ayllu when they are sick. Th ey believe

that telluric systems reflect corporeal systems and that systems in nature are related to

systems in culture.

Although the Qollahuaya model shares some similarities with Greek humoral theory,

there a re structural differences. Greeks had an equilibrium understand ing of their phys-

iology, which was maintained by avoiding contrasts and balancing mutually opposed

fluids and qualities. Greeks were concerned w ith balancing the pendu lum; Qollahuay as

ar e concerned with keeping it swinging. Qollahua yas have a processual und erstan ding of

their physiology that combines complementary and opposite forces of centripetal and

centrifugal motion. M oreover, this process extends beyond dualistic confines of inne r an d

outer in th at fluids of the body ar e governed by similar dynam ics within the environm ent.

Finally, certain stru ctural elements of this model can be used to impro ve health in th e

Andes. During the sum mer of

1983,

I used concepts of the hydro graphic model to teach

Andeans about the use of oral rehydration therapy for diarrhea control. In essence, I

modified an old And ean legend in which two mountains, Sajam a and Sa bay a, fell in love

with Kariq uina , a lovely maiden mo untain, w ho because of their rivalry rejected bo th of

them. I n anger, Sajam a knocked the crest off Sab aya with a boulder slun g from his sling.

In retaliation, Sabaya sent gophers to tunnel ou t Sajama. Th e gophers du g man y holes

in Sajama an d daily the water began

to

drain from this mountain. Sajama got thinner,

began drying up, and when he w as almost dead, the condor (symbol of the healer) saved

him by flying

to

M oun t Illimani for a liter ofpure water,

to

M uru rata for two tablespoons

of sugar,

to

W ayna Potosi for

a

qu arte r teaspoon of salt, to Condiriri for a q uar ter tea-

spoon of bicarbonate of soda, and to Illillampu for a lemon. The condor mixed these

ingredients together, returned to Sajama, and gave him tablespoons

of

this mixture to

drink every 15 minu tes. After repeating this treatme nt for one week, Sajam a was cured.


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Bastien]

QOLLAHUAYA-ANDEANODY

CONCEPTS 609

This story illustrates the use of the mountain and its hydrographic nature as a meta-

phor to teach Andeans that diarrhea is a dangerous disease because it can cause dehy-

dration and that the use of oral rehydration is an approp riate response to the disease. O n

a sym bolic level, the

s to ry

deals with resistance to oral rehydration ther apy because An-

dean Indians consider diarrhea a wet disease that should be cured by abstaining from

liquids. Th e condor and earth-shrine mountains m ake oral rehydration therapy a n un-

derstandable and proper treatment

for

diarrhe a. Th is illustrates how the topographical-

hydraulic model can be used in the metaphorical setting

of

a myth

to

improve rural health

conditions. I t also shows the relevance of cultural anthropo logy for applied health

work

in the Andes.

Notes

Acknowledgments. I a m indebted to Horacio Fabrega, Charles Leslie, John V. M urr a, and Richard

Schaedel. Fundin g for this research was provided by the National Endowm ent for the Humani ties

and the Organized Research Funds

of

the University of Texas a t Arlington.

I

a m also grateful to

Judy Bastien, Lester Robbins, Ke n Roemer, K ath y Rowe, an d Faye Selffor assisti ngin editing and

typing this m anuscript.

'Among the Qollahuayas, ayllu can a lso refer to territorial ties llahta ayllu), permanent claim to

land and lineage fiatun ayllu), affinal ties masi ayllu), work ties mihnaj ayllu), and community in

general.

'Although the terms of analogy come together, like mirrors reflecting one another , they do not

become one another. The analogies are never one to one: the body metaphor never corresponds

completely to the com munities, ea rth shrines, ecology, and physiography. T h e analogies involve

imagination, ability to understand meanings of Andean languages, embellishment by oral tradi-

tions, and most of all, the external application of the metaphor in ritual. The mountain and its

people change with the seasons, sickness, natural catastrophes, migrations, and conquest. When

the terms change, diviners gather the people together to match the body me taph or with the land

an d com munities (see Platt 1976 for other exa mples of the metap horical process).

3This provides a question in regard to menstruation. I a m not aw are of how they deal with this

question, which involves furthe r research. Anoth er belief amon g Qollah uayas

is

that w omen be-

come pregnant whe n they have intercourse durin g menstruation. Th is reflects their observation of

animals an d the belief that sem en mixing with blood is impo rtant for conception.

+CertainAym ara comm unities in the Or ur o region believe that blood can be increased by drink-

ing the blood of uicuias. Howeve r, these animals ar e near extinction, so the possibility of increasing

one's blood is rare . In other w ords, the rare cu re implies that i t is very difficult to increase one's

blood, except by transfusion, which is also expensive.

5Charles Leslie (personal communica tion, letter, 1982) hypothesizes tha t the formal pa tterns of

humoralism res emble each other in different civilizations (Chinese , Hi nd u, and Me diterra nean) in

that there is

a

com mon belief in a circulation of essences (a ir an d liquids), with distilla tion processes

(fire, cooking, digestion) that give off residues of poisons (feces, urine, sweat), which need to be

regularly eliminated but may acc umu late so tha t periodic purification (hot baths, fasting, purges)

ar e needed.

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