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The Varieties of Speech to Young Children Janellen Huttenlocher University of Chicago Marina Vasilye va Boston College Heidi R. Waterfall Unive rsity of Chica go and Corne ll Unive rsity Jack L. Vevea University of California, Santa Cruz Larry V. Hedges University of Chicago This article examines caregiver speech to young children. The authors obtained several measures of the speech used to children during early language development (14–30 months). For all measures, they found substantial variation across individuals and subgroups. Speech patterns vary with caregiver education, and the differences are maintained over time. While there are distinct levels of complexity for different caregivers, there is a common pattern of increase across age within the range that characterizes each educational group. Thus, caregiver speech exhibits both long-standing patterns of linguistic behavior and adjustment for the interlocutor. This information about the variability of speech by individual caregivers provides a framework for systematic study of the role of input in language acquisition. Keywords: caregiver speech, caregiver education, speech to children. Supplemental materials: http://dx.doi.org/1 0.1037/0012 -1649.43.5.1062 .supp This article presents a longitudinal study of caregiver speech to young children from 14 to 30 months of age. During this period, children progre ss from single-wo rd uttera nces to utter ances in which words are combined to form sentenc es. Clearly, to acqui re a language, children must be exposed to that language, both the words and the ways they can be combined. To determine what role input plays in acquisition, it is necessary to empirically examine caregiver speech and its relation to the development of language in the child. Yet claims about the role of language input have been based more on theoretical assumptions than on systematic obser- vation. It has been assumed that the role of input is a limited one—that there is little variation in the speech of different care- givers or in the syntactic development of different children. Ac- quisition has been seen as emerging from innate and universally ava ila ble me cha nis ms (Ba ker , 2001; Chomsk y, 1986; Lidz & Gleitman, 2004). As Chomsky (1986) argued, “It is plausible to suppos e that apart from patholo gy . . . such variat ion as there may be is marginal and can be safely ignored across a broad range of linguistic investigation” (p. 18). Further, caregiver speech has been said to involve errors, false starts, and so forth and may not be sufficient for inducing grammatical rules (e.g., Lidz, Gleitman, & Gleitman, 2003; Lidz, Waxman, & Freedman, 2003; Newmeyer, 2003). Some recent investigators have adopted a different theoretical per spe ctive, one in whi ch input is seen as the source of chi ld langua ge (e.g. , Goldbe rg, 1995; Jackendof f, 2002; Toma sello, 2003). For example, Tomasello (2003) has argued that language input, when coupled with domain-general learning skills, is suffi- cie nt to der ive a ful l adult grammar. There is emp iri ca l work indicating that there are substantial variations in language input and that these are related to diffe rence s in children’s language development. While such findings are correlational, some of the studies strongly suggest that, at least in part, observed relations refle ct a causal role of the input in ac qui sition (e.g. , Hoff- Ginsberg, 1998; Huttenlocher, Vasilyeva, Cymerman, & Levine, 2002 ). Als o, rec ent finding s have rev ealed powerf ul lea rni ng mech anisms that allow infants to extra ct stati stica l regula ritie s from language input (e.g., Saffran, 2001). Together these findings suggest that caregiver speech may be a driving force in syntactic devel opmen t (e.g., Ander sen, 1973; Bybee , 1998; Elman, 1993). The long-term goal of our program of research is to establish the role of input in children’s language development. However, the investigation of caregiver speech itself involves a major research effort, and it is the focus of the present article. We propose to Janel len Hutte nloch er, Depar tment of Psych olog y, Unive rsity of Chi- cago; Marina Vasilyeva , Lynch School of Educa tion , Bost on Coll ege; Heidi R. Waterfall, Department of Psychology, University of Chicago, and Department of Psychology, Cornell University; Jack L. Vevea, Department of Psychology, University of California, Santa Cruz; Larry V. Hedges, Department of Sociology, University of Chicago. Larry V. Hedges is now at the Department of Statistics and the Depart- ment of Education & Social Policy, Northwestern University. This research presented was supported by National Institutes of Health Gra nt PO1 HD4 060 5. We tha nk Sus ann e Gah l, Sus an Lev ine , Ste lla Lourenco, Nora Newcombe, and Mary C. Potter for their helpful comments on the manuscript. Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to Janellen Hutte nloch er, Depar tment of Psych olog y, Unive rsity of Chic ago, 5848 South University Avenue, Chicago, IL 60637. E-mail: [email protected] Developmental Psychology Copyright 2007 by the American Psychological Association 2007, Vol. 43, No. 5, 10621083 0012-1649/07/$12.00 DOI: 10.1037/0012-1649.43.5.1062 1062

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The Varieties of Speech to Young Children

Janellen HuttenlocherUniversity of Chicago

Marina VasilyevaBoston College

Heidi R. WaterfallUniversity of Chicago and Cornell University

Jack L. VeveaUniversity of California, Santa Cruz

Larry V. HedgesUniversity of Chicago

This article examines caregiver speech to young children. The authors obtained several measures of the

speech used to children during early language development (14–30 months). For all measures, they found

substantial variation across individuals and subgroups. Speech patterns vary with caregiver education,

and the differences are maintained over time. While there are distinct levels of complexity for different

caregivers, there is a common pattern of increase across age within the range that characterizes each

educational group. Thus, caregiver speech exhibits both long-standing patterns of linguistic behavior andadjustment for the interlocutor. This information about the variability of speech by individual caregivers

provides a framework for systematic study of the role of input in language acquisition.

Keywords: caregiver speech, caregiver education, speech to children.

Supplemental materials: http://dx.doi.org/10.1037/0012-1649.43.5.1062.supp

This article presents a longitudinal study of caregiver speech to

young children from 14 to 30 months of age. During this period,

children progress from single-word utterances to utterances in

which words are combined to form sentences. Clearly, to acquire

a language, children must be exposed to that language, both the

words and the ways they can be combined. To determine what role

input plays in acquisition, it is necessary to empirically examine

caregiver speech and its relation to the development of language in

the child. Yet claims about the role of language input have been

based more on theoretical assumptions than on systematic obser-

vation. It has been assumed that the role of input is a limited

one—that there is little variation in the speech of different care-

givers or in the syntactic development of different children. Ac-

quisition has been seen as emerging from innate and universally

available mechanisms (Baker, 2001; Chomsky, 1986; Lidz &

Gleitman, 2004). As Chomsky (1986) argued, “It is plausible to

suppose that apart from pathology . . . such variation as there may

be is marginal and can be safely ignored across a broad range of 

linguistic investigation” (p. 18). Further, caregiver speech has been

said to involve errors, false starts, and so forth and may not be

sufficient for inducing grammatical rules (e.g., Lidz, Gleitman, &

Gleitman, 2003; Lidz, Waxman, & Freedman, 2003; Newmeyer,

2003).

Some recent investigators have adopted a different theoretical

perspective, one in which input is seen as the source of child

language (e.g., Goldberg, 1995; Jackendoff, 2002; Tomasello,

2003). For example, Tomasello (2003) has argued that language

input, when coupled with domain-general learning skills, is suffi-

cient to derive a full adult grammar. There is empirical work 

indicating that there are substantial variations in language input

and that these are related to differences in children’s language

development. While such findings are correlational, some of the

studies strongly suggest that, at least in part, observed relationsreflect a causal role of the input in acquisition (e.g., Hoff-

Ginsberg, 1998; Huttenlocher, Vasilyeva, Cymerman, & Levine,

2002). Also, recent findings have revealed powerful learning

mechanisms that allow infants to extract statistical regularities

from language input (e.g., Saffran, 2001). Together these findings

suggest that caregiver speech may be a driving force in syntactic

development (e.g., Andersen, 1973; Bybee, 1998; Elman, 1993).

The long-term goal of our program of research is to establish the

role of input in children’s language development. However, the

investigation of caregiver speech itself involves a major research

effort, and it is the focus of the present article. We propose to

Janellen Huttenlocher, Department of Psychology, University of Chi-

cago; Marina Vasilyeva, Lynch School of Education, Boston College;

Heidi R. Waterfall, Department of Psychology, University of Chicago, and

Department of Psychology, Cornell University; Jack L. Vevea, Department

of Psychology, University of California, Santa Cruz; Larry V. Hedges,

Department of Sociology, University of Chicago.

Larry V. Hedges is now at the Department of Statistics and the Depart-

ment of Education & Social Policy, Northwestern University.

This research presented was supported by National Institutes of Health

Grant PO1 HD40605. We thank Susanne Gahl, Susan Levine, Stella

Lourenco, Nora Newcombe, and Mary C. Potter for their helpful comments

on the manuscript.

Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to Janellen

Huttenlocher, Department of Psychology, University of Chicago, 5848

South University Avenue, Chicago, IL 60637. E-mail: [email protected]

Developmental Psychology Copyright 2007 by the American Psychological Association2007, Vol. 43, No. 5, 1062–1083 0012-1649/07/$12.00 DOI: 10.1037/0012-1649.43.5.1062

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determine whether caregiver speech changes systematically as the

child develops and if there are substantial variations in speech

among caregivers that persist over time. Such findings would

indicate that it is important to examine the relation of input to

language development. Before presenting our study, we briefly

review findings from prior research on differences in caregiver

speech over time and individual differences across speakers.

Does Caregiver Speech Change Over Time?

It has been claimed that caregiver speech becomes more com-

plex as children develop (e.g., Snow, 1972). If it does, that would

suggest that parents are adjusting their speech to changing char-

acteristics of the child. General questions concerning the adjust-

ment of caregiver speech to children’s language can be examined

by investigating just the speech of caregivers, either in cross-

sectional or in longitudinal studies. This type of investigation can

provide information as to what aspects of caregiver speech do or

do not change systematically with child age. However, questions

as to whether caregivers fine tune their speech to the child’s

language level will require examination of parent– child interaction(e.g., Berko-Gleason, 1977; Snow, Perlmann, & Nathan, 1987).

Findings from cross-sectional studies suggest that caregiver

speech varies as a function of child age. For example, Snow (1972)

compared speech to 2-year-olds and 10-year-olds. She found that

parental speech to the younger group involved more redundancy as

well as fewer clauses per utterance. Other studies have examined

caregiver speech over a narrower range of child age than that

studied by Snow (1972). Phillips (1973) found differences in

maternal mean length of utterance in speech addressed to 18-

month-olds versus 28-month-olds. Rondal (1980) examined input

to children at 18 months and 36 months of age and found differ-

ences in “lexical diversity” (as measured by the type/token ratio),

syntactic complexity, as well as utterance length. Further, de-creases were found in imperatives, repetitions, and expansions.

However, it should be noted that the samples in these studies were

small, which is problematic for cross-sectional comparisons of 

speech to children of different ages since child age may be con-

founded with other characteristics.

Although it has been claimed that speech to very young children

involves simplified syntax (e.g., Snow, 1972), the evidence from

longitudinal studies is mixed as to whether complexity of caregiv-

ers’ speech actually increases as children become older. Kaye

(1980) found that speech to young infants (less than 26 weeks)

included shorter utterances and was more repetitive than speech to

2-year-olds. However, Snow (1977) found no difference in utter-

ance length for mothers when speaking to 3-month-olds versus

18-month-olds. Also, Kavanaugh and Jirkovsky (1982) found nodifferences in utterance length in parents’ speech when children

were 9 months, 12 months, and 15 months, although exact repe-

titions decreased.

Furrow, Nelson, and Benedict (1979) examined the speech of 

mothers over a slightly older age range—at 18 months and 27

months old—and found no significant differences in syntactic

characteristics of speech such as number of clauses per utterance

or use of different types of questions, auxiliaries, and so forth.

However, exact repetitions decreased with age. Gleitman, New-

port, and Gleitman (1984) examined speech to children from 18 to

21 months and again from 24 to 27 months. While the complexity

of mother speech (number of clauses per utterances and mean

length of utterance) increased slightly and repetitions decreased,

the authors concluded that “the mothers’ usage does not change

dramatically during the child’s learning period from one to three

years” (p. 65). Rowland, Pine, Lieven, and Theakston (2003)

found no change in maternal use of  wh questions over a 1-year

period from 2 to 3 years of age, although Theakston, Lieven, Pine,and Rowland (2005) found fewer questions as children approached

3 years than at 2 years.

In summary, existing longitudinal studies of caregiver speech do

not provide a clear picture of change over time. The findings of 

different studies do not always agree, as might be expected given

the small samples used. The largest samples included 12 partici-

pants at each age (i.e., Gleitman et al., 1984; Snow, 1972). Furrow

et al. (1979) examined only seven families, and Kavanaugh and

Jirkovsky (1982) included only four. Only the earliest stages of 

syntactic development have been examined, and, further, studies

have used different measures. Clearly, existing studies do not

permit assessment of the relation of caregiver language to child

age. In the present study, we systematically examine caregiver

speech using a broad range of measures over an extended period in

a diverse and sizeable group of families.

Are There Individual Differences in Caregiver Speech?

There is suggestive evidence that there are individual differ-

ences in the speech of caregivers related to demographic factors

(e.g., socioeconomic status [SES]) and that these are related to the

speech of their children (e.g., Elardo, Bradley, & Caldwell, 1977;

Hart & Risley, 1992; Price & Hatano, 1991). Lower SES mothers

talk less and spend less time in mutual activities with their children

than do middle-SES mothers, and their speech is less contingent on

the child’s speech (e.g., Bee, Van Egeren, Streissguth, Nyman, &

Leckie, 1969; Farian & Haskins, 1980; Heath, 1982; Hess &

Shipman, 1965). Further, middle-SES mothers include more

language-teaching speech during play with children than do lower

SES mothers (Hammer & Weiss, 1999). Hoff (2003a, 2003b)

found that several measures of mother speech (utterance length,

number of word types, and number of word tokens) were corre-

lated with SES and also were predictive of child vocabulary.

Similarly, Pan, Rowe, Spier, and Tamis-Lemonda (2004) found

that maternal educational level was associated with children’s

vocabularies (as measured by the Peabody Picture Vocabulary

Test, 3rd ed.; Dunn & Dunn, 1997).

Caregiver speech is not generally examined longitudinally in

these studies. Hence, direct evidence is lacking with respect to

whether observed individual differences are long standing. How-ever, there is suggestive evidence that SES differences may indeed

be relatively permanent since speech to other adults, like that to

young children, varies with SES. Two studies have found differ-

ences in adult-to-adult speech in different SES groups. Hoff 

(2003b) found differences among mothers from different SES

groups when talking both to adults and to children. Van den

Broeck (1977) found that syntactic complexity was related to

educational level for specific contexts in adult-to-adult discourse.

Although these studies are suggestive, systematic research on the

nature of the syntax of caregiver speech in different SES groups

remains to be carried out.

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Studies that have examined particular aspects of syntax show

substantial individual differences in caregiver speech. These stud-

ies have shown an association with corresponding aspects of 

children’s language. For example the proportion of auxiliary-

fronted questions varies across parents and is associated with more

rapid growth of auxiliaries in children (e.g., Furrow et al., 1979;

Newport, Gleitman, & Gleitman, 1977). Naigles and Hoff-Ginsberg (1998) found that the relative verb frequency and the

diversity of syntactic environments in child-directed speech were

strong indicators of early verb use. Hoff-Ginsberg (1986) found

that the average number of noun phrases per utterance in mothers’

speech was a positive predictor of the same measure in children’s

speech. Lastly, the proportion of multiclause sentences by care-

givers is related to children’s comprehension and production of 

multiclause sentences (Huttenlocher et al., 2002). Again, the data

from caregivers have not been longitudinal so that direct evidence

is lacking as to whether observed differences are long lasting.

There is evidence of situationally based variations in caregiver

speech. For example, mothers vary speech to a target child de-

pending on who else is present. Snow (1982) found that toddlers

received fewer than half as many utterances from caregivers whenan older sibling was present. Jones and Adamson (1987) also

found that quantity of speech (number of utterances) was affected

by the presence of an older sibling. Only measures of quantity

were affected (number of tokens and number of utterances); mea-

sures such as mean length of utterance were not (Oshima-Takane

& Robbins, 2003). Further, there is evidence that mothers speak 

differently when addressing their firstborn versus their later-born

children. They use longer utterances and address more metalin-

guistic utterances to their children than do mothers of later borns

(Hoff-Ginsberg, 1998; Jones & Adamson, 1987).

In summary, fundamental questions about whether there are

long-lasting individual differences in the speech of different care-

givers have not been answered by research on caregiver speech todate. Given the sparsity of longitudinal studies of caregiver speech,

it is not yet clear to what extent there are substantial and long-term

differences among different caregivers. Further, existing studies

have not examined a wide range of characteristics of caregiver

speech.

The Present Study

The review of existing literature above indicates a need for

further longitudinal data on caregiver speech. Information on long-

standing characteristics of language to children is critical to deter-

mining how input may be related to development. The present

study explores the nature of caregiver speech during the period of 

early syntactic growth. We intend to examine the nature of indi-vidual differences among caregivers in child-directed speech, de-

termine whether these are stable over time, and whether they are

systematically related to other variables such as child gender and

family income. We have developed a broad set of measures to

examine the characteristics of caregiver speech over time and to

explore variability across caregivers. We examine the factors that

may be associated with characteristics of their speech, including

both relatively stable family characteristics such as income and

education and contextual factors such as presence of older siblings.

The families in our study vary widely in socioeconomic back-

ground (education and income). Families were visited at five time

points, every 4 months during this period. The set of measures we

developed capture a variety of important characteristics of speech

to young children. Three kinds of measures were used: indicators

of the composition of speech (measures of clausal and constituent-

level complexity), indicators of the diversity of speech (number of 

different words and the number of different kinds of sentences),

and indicators of quantity (numbers of words, utterances, andsentences). Using these measures of quantity, diversity, and com-

position, we examined the nature of individual differences in

caregiver speech and the pattern of change over time.

Participants

The present article includes data on 50 families from the greater

Chicago area who are a subset of 64 who are participating in a

larger longitudinal study. Recruitment for the larger study was

based on direct mailing to roughly 5,000 families living in targeted

zip codes and an advertisement in a free, monthly parent magazine.

Parents who responded to the mailing or advertisement were asked

to participate in a screening questionnaire over the phone. Infor-

mation gathered included child gender; parents’ income, educa-tion, and occupation; as well as race and ethnic identification. To

ensure a diverse sample, we chose families to match as closely as

possible the 2000 census data on family income and ethnicity for

the greater Chicago area.

The criteria for drawing the sample used in the present study

were the following. First, the study was limited to families in

which the primary language was English. Second, the sample was

limited to families where one parent was the primary caregiver

over the entire period being studied. Third, we included only

families that participated in at least four out of the five observation

sessions. The resulting sample consisted of 48 mothers plus 2

fathers (the children in these families included 26 boys and 24

girls). The families were subdivided into four educational levelsand six income levels. The numbers of families in different edu-

cational, income, and racial groups are shown in Table 1. The

numbers of families in which the target child was the firstborn,

second born, or had more than one older sibling also is shown in

Table 1.

 Method 

Families were visited once every 4 months at home. Included

here are data from caregivers during five visits at child age of 14,

18, 22, 26, and 30 months. During each visit, the caregiver and

child were videotaped for a 90-min period during which they

engaged in their ordinary daily activities. After the session was

completed, the tapes were transcribed at our lab. Transcriptioninvolved breaking the stream of speech into distinct utterances.

These utterances were then analyzed grammatically according to

the coding system presented below to characterize the composition

of the utterances. We did not use the formats for the CHILDES or

SALT databases because they were not well-suited to answering

our research questions.

The analysis of caregiver language is based on speech to target

children. One reason for restricting our study to child-directed

speech is that this speech sample can be reliably determined.

Although, in principle, children can learn from other-directed

speech, it is often unclear whether children are attending to speech

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that is not directed to them. Further, children’s attention to other-

directed speech may vary with their language levels. Indeed, very

young children seem to require special prosodic features (mother-

ese) to attend to speech. Finally, findings showing substantial

relations to growth of syntactic skills have been based on speech

directed to target children (e.g., Barnes, Gutfreund, Satterly, &

Wells, 1983).

Reliability of transcription was established by having a second

individual independently transcribe 20% of the videotapes. The

reliability criterion was set at 95%: That is, the two transcribershad to be in agreement on 95% of the utterances. In rare cases

where the reliability coder disagreed with the transcriber for more

than 5% of utterances, disagreements were resolved with a third

 judge. If the reliability coder and the transcriber agreed on at least

95% of utterances, the original transcriber’s data were used. Once

reliability was established, each transcript was subjected to lin-

guistic analysis, as described below. Reliability was also investi-

gated on 50% of the syntax-coded transcripts, and reliability be-

tween the syntax reliability coder and the primary syntax coder

was again set at 95%. The same procedure was used as above.

Treatment of Caregiver Speech

Our measures were designed to capture major characteristics of caregiver speech, spanning diversity as well as quantity of speech.

The measures address both the lexicon and syntax. Diversity

measures capture the different kinds of words and the different

kinds of syntactic structures caregivers produced. At least at the

extremes, diversity depends on quantity; the number of different

words (types) cannot exceed the total number of words (tokens),

and the number of different kinds of sentences cannot exceed the

total number of sentences. The compositional measures capture the

syntactic complexity of caregiver speech (e.g., the proportion of 

complex sentences a caregiver produces). Composition is distinct

from quantity of speech.

Quantity Measures

We used three measures to assess the quantity of caregiver

speech. The first measure was the total number of words (i.e.,

tokens) produced by the caregiver. The remaining two were the

total number of utterances and the total number of sentences.

Tokens. To calculate the number of tokens, we counted thenumber of instances of words in the entire 90-min transcript. For

example, if a given mother said the word shoe 50 times in a

transcript but said nothing else, she would have 50 tokens; like-

wise, a mother who said 50 different words also would have 50

tokens. We excluded specific classes of words from our token

analysis, and by extension, the same classes were excluded from

all other measures as well. These classes were animal noises (e.g.,

baaa, bow wow, etc.), letters of the alphabet (except a and i), as

well as interjections such as ooooh, ouch, and uh-oh. Lastly,

parental imitations of infant babbling were also exempted (e.g.,

ka ka ka zero tokens). Utterances that contained only one of 

the above forms were deleted before analysis began on the

transcript.

Utterances. For each participant, we calculated the total num-ber of utterances in the entire transcript. To arrive at this measure,

we divided the flow of speech into utterances based on intonation

and pauses, as well as conversational turn taking. An utterance

consisted of a single intonational contour within a conversational

turn. Intonational contour frequently includes falling or rising pitch

(as in declaratives and questions, respectively), and often there is

a pause preceding and following it. An utterance may include a

single word (e.g., Stop!), an isolated phrase (e.g., big boy), or a

single or multiclause sentence. Two independent clauses not con-

nected either by intonation or lexical items (e.g., and , because)

were considered two utterances, even if they occurred within the

same conversational turn. A sentence that contained short word-

searching pauses was considered a single utterance (e.g., Bring methat  [pause] shoe).

Sentences. To calculate the number of sentences, we first

characterized utterances as to whether they contained zero, one, or

more than one clause. Zero-clause utterances were those that did

not contain a verb; these utterances were not counted as sentences.

Typically zero-clause utterances contained just a noun (bear ), a

noun phrase or proper noun ( your bear , Jenny), a prepositional

phrase (in your room), a preposition (up), or an interjection ( yeah,

no, alright , thank you, etc.). An utterance was coded as having one

clause if it contained a single verb phrase. In cases where the

copula be was omitted, the utterance was also coded as having one

clause (e.g., You tired? You big boy now!). We refer to one-clause

utterances as simple sentences.

  Diversity Measures

We used two different measures of linguistic diversity: word

types, which captures the number of different lexical items used by

a caregiver, and sentence types, which indicates the number of 

different types of complex sentences that a given caregiver used.

The number of word and sentence types is neither a straight

compositional nor a straight quantity measure. At least for the

extremes of frequency, the number of different types will depend

on quantity of speech.

Table 1

 Distribution of Participants Across Social Factors

Social factor Frequency

Educational levelHigh school only 6

Some college 9Bachelor’s degree 18Advanced degree 17

Income level$15,000 4$15,000–$34,999 10$35,000–$49,999 6$50,000–$74,999 8$75,000–$99,999 11$100,000 11

Race/ethnicityAfrican American 10Asian 2Hispanic 4White 34

Birth order of target childFirstborn 31

Second born 11Third or later born 8

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Word types. Word types were calculated by counting the num-

ber of unique words in the transcript. A single type includes all of 

the inflectional variations of a given word (e.g., jump, jumps,

 jumping, jumped  one type). Words with irregular inflectional

morphology were considered to constitute one type (e.g., goose/ 

geese, run/ran). Derivationally related words, however, were

treated as distinct words (slowly, slow two types). A propername and its nickname were also treated as one type ( Jenny,

 Jennifer  one type). Likewise, proper names, song titles, and

book titles that contained more than one word were also treated as

a single type (e.g., Sponge Bob Square Pants one type, The

Pokey Little Puppy one type). Commonly occurring “baby” or

motherese words were standardized and treated as examples of the

same type. For example, nummy, yummy, and yummers were all

treated as examples of  yummy.

Sentence types. Structural coding of complex sentences

yielded seven types of two-clause sentences, as indicated below.

We determined, for a particular caregiver, whether all or just a

subset of the types were used. It also was possible to characterize

caregiver speech further in terms of the number and kinds of 

three-, four- and five-clause sentences that they used. Our diversityof syntax measure involved the number of distinct kinds of com-

plex sentences that a given caregiver used in a particular session.

For all multiclause sentences, we categorized each sentence

based on the structural–syntactic relations between the clauses. We

did not consider serial verb constructions (e.g., go get it ), modals

(e.g., going to do it ), or tags (e.g., isn’t it?) as sufficient to

constitute a multiclause utterance. Because subordinate clauses can

vary morphologically (e.g., bearing infinitive or gerundive mark-

ing), we categorized two-clause sentences according to their struc-

tural relations. These included the following: coordination, adjunc-

tion (preceding the main clause), adjunction (following the main

clause), subordinate clauses with object as complement, sentences

with subordinate clauses as subjects, object-relative clauses, andsubject-relative clauses.

The first relation is coordination, where the two clauses are

conjoined by and  or or  (e.g., Jimmy went to the store and bought 

milk ). We also coded for two types of adjunct clauses: one where

the adjunct precedes the main clause (e.g., Before you go outside,

  put on your coat ) and one where the adjunct clause follows the

main clause (e.g., Put on your coat before you go outside). Next,

we coded for subordinate clauses fulfilling the role of object for

the main clause (i.e., the main verb subcategorizes for a clausal

complement; e.g., I thought that you were tired ) and for subordi-

nate clauses fulfilling the role of subject of the main clause (e.g.,

What you need is a nap). Next, we divided the relative clauses into

those that modify the main clause subject (e.g., The doll that 

Grandma gave you is all dirty; The boy that likes ice cream is

here) and those that modify the main clause object (e.g., Hand me

the piece that goes over here; I know the one you want ). In order

to keep this measure parallel to the other types of subordinate

clauses discussed above and to avoid proliferation of subordinate

clause types, we did not further subdivide relative clauses based on

the role of the head noun phrase within the relative clause. Sen-

tences that contained more than two clauses were then coded for

each relation holding among the clauses. In other words, each of 

the seven basic types could be combined with any other, thus

forming a new type of complex sentence. For example, I know that 

  you want the one that Grandma gave you contains both a clausal

complement serving as object of the main clause and an object-

relative clause in the subordinate clause.

Compositional Measures

The measures of syntactic composition are of central impor-

tance. They include the proportion of multiclause sentences andtwo measures that are distinct from clausal structure: the average

number of noun phrases per sentence and the average number of 

words per sentence. These two measures capture constituent-level

complexity.

 Multiclause sentences. To calculate the proportion of multi-

clause sentences, we divided the total number of multiclause

sentences by the total number of sentences. We described how

we determined whether a sentence contained multiple clauses

above.

 Noun phrases per sentence. We coded the number of noun

phrases (noun, pronoun or proper noun, with optional adjectives

and articles) that either filled an argument position in the syntax

(e.g., I want the ball) or were used in adjuncts (e.g., Mommy needsto lay down on the couch). Tags, however, were excluded (e.g.,

aren’t you?). Use of the number of noun phrases addresses a level

of syntactic complexity that is not captured by the number of 

clauses. This measure of noun phrases per sentence provides an

index of constituent-level complexity; it includes prepositional

phrases, locative expressions, and so forth. The more constituents

that are present in a sentence, the more complex the overall

structure is. Noun phrases include those that are obligatory in the

syntax (e.g., subjects and direct objects) as well as those that are

optional (e.g., the “by-phrase” in the passive and the prepositional

phrases). A sentence that includes optional noun phrases can be

considered more complex than one that does not. Note also that

imperatives (e.g., Come here!) would be considered less complex

according to this metric. However, since we were measuring the

number of noun phrases, this seems correct.

It should be noted that locative expressions like here and there

were coded as noun phrases only when they served as objects of 

prepositional phrases (e.g., in here). Likewise, this, that , and what 

were counted as noun phrases only when they replaced the subject,

the object, or the object of a preposition. Who was counted as a

noun phrase, except when it served as a complementizer in a

relative clause (e.g., the girl who lives next door ). Lastly, posses-

sive noun phrases (e.g., Mommy’s shoes, the little girl’s toys) were

coded as two separate noun phrases because the leftmost noun

phrase ( Mommy, the little girl) has the internal structure of an

independent noun phrase (cf. Anderson, 1992).

Words per sentence. We also calculated the average number of words per sentence, including both complex and simple sentences.

By calculating number of words rather than morphemes, we found

that our results would be more comparable cross-linguistically for

languages in which many words in a sentence are inflected (cf.

Nelli, 1998; Slobin & Bever, 1982). Like number of noun phrases,

number of words addresses a level of syntactic complexity that is

not captured by the number of clauses. Because tags were excluded

from this measure, the words that are counted are structurally part

of a sentence, including modifications of nouns and verbs through

the use of adjectives, adverbs, and so forth. Thus, this measure,

like number of noun phrases, provides an index of constituent-

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level complexity, indicating the number of lexical items in the

syntactic tree.

Group-Level Predictors of Variation in Caregiver Speech

We examined four group-level variables associated with char-

acteristics of parent speech. Three of these are constant over time.Two are measures of SES, namely family income and education

(of the primary caregiver). The family income measure divided

participants into six groups; the frequencies are listed in Table 1.

We preserved the level of detail reported in the table despite some

sparse frequencies to capture the pronounced differences between

income groups. The education measure divided participants into

four groups, as reported in Table 1. Again, we preserved the level

of reported education despite sparse frequencies to capture differ-

ences between individuals with a high school education and those

with some college. The third variable is child gender. It is known

that girls tend to have higher language levels in the early stages of 

development; hence, it is of interest to determine whether there are

associated properties of caregivers’ speech. The fourth variable,

the presence of older siblings during a visit, is not constant overtime. As we have noted, it has been found that quantity of care-

giver speech to a target child varies with older sibling presence,

whereas the composition of their speech does not. We examined

whether this pattern was found in our data, and, if so, determined

whether the presence of older siblings affected diversity measures,

which are sensitive to both quantity and variety of speech.

 Results

The treatment of results is concerned with four fundamental

questions. To answer these questions, we consider patterns of 

speech for each caregiver across time in the form of trajectories of 

change (which can include no change as a special case). Thesetrajectories or change curves can be characterized by an intercept

that describes parent speech at the initial observation point and one

or more other parameters that describe the nature of change over

time. We use two additional growth parameters: one describes the

rate of linear growth over time and the other describes quadratic

change over time, that is, acceleration (or deceleration) of growth

over time. We employ hierarchical linear modeling (HLM) proce-

dures (Raudenbush, Bryk, Cheong, & Congdon, 2000) to carry out

the statistical analyses. We present summary information about the

HLM analyses here; for more complete information about coding,

model selection, and parameter estimates, see the Appendix.

One of our fundamental questions is whether caregiver speech

changes over time. To address this question, we used HLM to

examine whether the mean trajectory of caregiver speech across allcaregivers on each measure changes over time. The second ques-

tion is whether there are individual differences among caregivers.

To address this question, we used HLM to examine whether there

is variation in individual caregivers’ growth parameters. Thus, in

addition to tracking the overall characteristics of caregivers over

time, the model allows us to examine the nature of individual

differences in the pattern of language use. If there are substantial

individual differences, a third question arises concerning the char-

acteristics of caregivers that may account for those differences

(e.g., level of education). Here, too, we used HLM to model the

association between explanatory variables and individual differ-

ences in growth parameters. A fourth question is whether the

differences in caregivers remain stable, that is, whether individuals

tend to retain the same rank ordering relative to one another over

time. The stability of rank ordering of caregivers’ speech is as-

sessed using Kendall’s coefficient of concordance.

Change Over Time: Overall Trends

Consider first how caregivers as a group change over time with

respect to each of the measures of caregiver speech. Table 2

presents tests of the form of the overall change trajectory for each

of the eight measures. For the three measures that characterize

quantitative aspects of speech—number of word tokens, number of 

utterances, and number of sentences—there is no significant over-

all change across time. In contrast, all five complexity measures

show change over time. Two of these complexity measures char-

acterize the diversity of speech—number of word types and num-

ber of sentence types—and the remaining three complexity mea-

sures are compositional measures—number of complex sentences

relative to the total number of sentences, number of noun phrases

per sentence, and number of words per sentence. As shown inTable 2, there is significant linear change for all five measures

across all five time points. Words per sentence is the only measure

where the increase has a significant quadratic component: The rate

of increase grows over time. However, this quadratic component is

small, having an almost negligible impact on the trajectory of 

change. In general, then, the complexity of caregiver speech in-

creases linearly over the entire age range studied.

Change Over Time: Individual Differences

Let us now consider whether there are systematic individual

differences in the speech of different caregivers. We address this

question by examining variation across individuals in intercept and

slope. For each measure, Table 3 presents the standard deviations(square roots of the estimated variance components) together with

the chi-square test statistics for each measure. There is substantial

variability across individuals for both intercept and slope for all

measures except one, sentence types, where there is no significant

individual variation in slope.

While there is no overall change across time for the three

quantity measures, there are nevertheless large variations in linear

Table 2

Tests for Shapes of Change Trajectories

Measuret (49) statistic for

linear changet (49) statistic forquadratic change

QuantitativeWord tokens 1.84 1.02Utterances 1.06 0.24Sentences 0.27 0.65

ComplexityWord types 4.90*** 1.43Sentence types 7.97*** 1.46Complex sentences 10.22*** 1.47Noun phrases per sentence 8.41*** 0.86Words per sentence 7.48*** 2.41*

*  p .050. *** p .001.

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slopes, as shown in Table 3. That is, although the overall (average)

slopes are negligible, the standard deviations reflecting individualdifferences are highly significant; the average slope is a mixture of 

individual caregiver slopes that are positive, flat, and negative. For

all complexity measures, there are large variations among individ-

uals for the intercepts as shown in Table 3. For all complexity

measures except sentence types, there are also large variations

among individuals for the linear slopes.

Change Over Time: Subgroup Differences

Now let us consider whether some of the individual differences

that characterize change over time are associated with caregiver

education, family income, gender of child, or the presence of older

siblings at a session. Given the large individual variation, it is

reasonable to ask whether this variation is associated with explan-atory variables.

In general, caregiver education is associated with individual

differences in intercepts but not slopes for all but one of our

measures (see Table 4). The only exception to this pattern is

proportion of complex sentences, where education predicts the

slope rather than the intercept, 2(3) 9.97, p .05. In contrast,

analyses not reported in detail here show that family income is not

a significant predictor of any characteristic of growth for any of themeasures when caregiver education is controlled. It should be

noted that educational level does not account for all of the indi-

vidual differences in intercept; that is, a significant variance com-

ponent remains even after education is accounted for.

For a subset of measures, we initially found that child gender

was a significant predictor of the intercept. However, gender

effects vanished when presence of older siblings at the particular

data collection session was controlled. Table 5 shows that older

siblings were more frequently present for girls than for boys in our

visits to children. Table 6 presents results showing the effect of 

older siblings being present. The presence of older siblings is

strongly predictive of differences in the three measures of speech

quantity (tokens, utterances, and sentences), as well as the two

measures of diversity. However, for compositional measures, no

such association with presence of older siblings was found.

Both education and presence of siblings significantly predict

characteristics of change for several measures. The figures show

the modeled growth curves based on the statistically significant

growth parameters for each measure separately. Figures 1, 2, and

3 show curves for each level of education and sibling condition on

the quantity measures. Tables 7, 8, and 9 show means, standard

deviations, and sample sizes for these quantity measures, by time

and education level. The modeled curves depicted in the figures

indicate the structure of change in the means over time. For

example, the mean number of tokens at every age is higher for

parents with graduate degrees than for any other group; this is

reflected in the fact that the model intercept is highest for thatgroup and consequently the growth curve for that group (see

Table 5

Total Number of Older Siblings Present at Each Visit 

Gender

Visit number

1 2 3 4 5

Girls (n 23) 7 4 10 14 10Boys (n 27) 2 4 5 2 5

Table 3

 Root Variance Components (VC) for Growth Components

Measure

Intercept Linear slope

VC  2(49) VC  2(49)

QuantitativeWord tokensa 1,638.43 965.34*** 224.19 75.44**

Utterancesa 355.70 767.88*** 49.36 72.08*

Sentencesa 248.22 788.86*** 39.88 74.70***

ComplexityWord types 106.52 430.58*** 15.75 97.54***

Sentence typesa 2.29 161.32*** 0.48 58.53Complex sentencesb 0.31 1,147.17*** 0.10 276.72***

Noun phrases per sentence 0.18 265.42*** 0.04 98.17***

Words per sentence 0.52 290.84*** 0.24 82.61**

a Inference reported in square-root metric. b Inference and estimate reported in logit metric.*  p .050. ** p .010. *** p .001.

Table 4

Tests for Differences in Intercept by Educational Level

Measure2(3) statistic for

intercept differences

QuantitativeWord tokensa 16.94*

Utterancesa 19.47***

Sentencesa 15.45*

ComplexityWord types 12.50**

Sentence typesa 9.47*

Complex sentencesb 4.22Noun phrases per sentence 13.11**

Words per sentence 9.51*

a Inference reported in square-root metric. b Inference and estimate re-ported in logit metric.*  p .050. ** p .010. ***  p .001.

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Figure 1) is higher than for any other group. Differences in

intercept are substantial, but there are no differences in slope and,

in addition, amount of speech does not change over time for any

subgroup. This is consistent with the observation that changes in

the means across time for any education group appear to be

random fluctuations rather than systematic growth.

For diversity (word types and sentence types), Figures 4 and 5

show separate curves for each level of education and sibling

condition. Tables 10 and 11 show the corresponding means, stan-

dard deviations, and sample sizes, by time and education. Again

the differences in intercept for the different educational groups and

sibling conditions are substantial, but there were no differences in

slope. However, for both of these measures, there was substantialchange over time; the trajectories of increase over time for the

diversity measures were parallel for different levels of education

and sibling conditions. These phenomena may be observed in the

tabled means. Note that the means of word types for parents with

graduate degrees are consistently higher than for other groups, just

as the means for parents with a high school education are consis-

tently lower. The significant linear growth reflects the fact that

means tend to increase with time, which may be observed by

comparing means from left to right in any row of the tables. (For

diversity, the differences associated with educational level are less

consistent; this is reflected both in the means and in the modeled

curves, where those with some college appear quite similar to

those with graduate degrees.) For compositional measures, noun

phrases per sentence and words per sentence, again, educational

group predicts only the intercept. Figures 6 and 7 show the pattern

of parallel increasing trajectories for these measures, and Tables 12

and 13 list the means, standard deviations, and sample sizes. The

increase over time was parallel for different educational groups.

Table 6

Tests for Effect of Presence of Older Siblings

Measuret (49) statistic foreffect of siblings

Quantitative

Word tokens

a

3.89

***

Utterancesa 4.67***

Sentencesa 4.19***

ComplexityWord types 3.91***

Sentence typesa 2.44*

Complex sentencesb 1.33Noun phrases per sentence 1.26Words per sentence 0.46

a Inference reported in square-root metric. b Inference and estimate re-ported in logit metric.*  p .050. *** p .001.

Figure 1. Modeled growth in tokens for different educational levels with and without older siblings present.

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The proportion of complex sentences is the one measure wherecaregiver education is associated with differences in slopes rather

than intercepts. The change curves for the four education levels

given in Figure 8 show that the proportion of complex sentences is

similar for all levels of education at 14 months. However, the rate

of increase is greater for more educated caregivers. Table 14 lists

the relevant means, standard deviations, and sample sizes. Most

complex sentences were two-clause sentences with subordinate

clauses that fulfill the role of object for the main clause. The main

clause involves verbs of cognition or motivation (e.g., think , want ).

A possible reason why this measure shows a steeper slope for more

educated groups is that, while educated caregivers generally tend

to use more multiclause sentences, they do not do so with children

too young to interpret them.

As the complexity of speech was greater for more educatedgroups both at clausal and constituent levels, the question arises as

to whether differences at a constituent level may be due entirely to

differences at a clausal level. While measures of constituent struc-

ture surely increase with the number of clauses, they also can

increase when the number of clauses is held constant, for example,

by adding prepositional phrases or adjectival modification. Tables

15 and 16 show that values on constituent-level measures are not

based solely on the number of clauses in caregiver speech. Table

15 shows the number of noun phrases separately for one-clause

and two-clause sentences for the four educational groups. While

the average number of noun phrases is, of course, greater in

two-clause utterances, there is significant variation within theone-clause group and within the two-clause group depending on

educational level. Table 16 reports the same breakdown for num-

ber of words in one- and two-clause sentences. Supplementary

analyses show that caregiver education is still a significant predic-

tor of the intercept when number of words and number of noun

phrases are analyzed separately for one- and two-clause sentences.

That is, caregivers who provide a child with sentences of differing

levels of complexity at one syntactic level also do so at another.

Another issue concerns the potential for confounding the raw

amount of speech and complexity of speech. Even though our

composition measures are relative to total numbers of sentences,

some of the forms are relatively rare. Therefore, the more speech

is sampled, the greater the likelihood of finding such forms. Thus,differences in the quantity of speech may explain some variations

associated with education. For that reason, we have conducted

additional analyses with our composition measures. For composi-

tion measures, if we control for the amount of raw speech by

including number of utterances as a covariate, the results of tests

for the effect of education do not change. Education remains a

significant predictor of the slope for proportion of complex sen-

tences and of the intercept for noun phrases per sentence and

words per sentence. The growth curves are qualitatively similar to

the patterns observed when number of utterances is not controlled.

Thus, it is not possible to argue that educational differences in the

Figure 2. Modeled growth in utterances for different educational levels with and without older siblings present.

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composition measures are due to differences in raw amount of speech.

For the diversity measures (word types and sentence types), we

obtained a somewhat different result in relation to quantity of 

speech. When number of utterances is included as a time-varyingcovariate to control for variation in amount of speech, education

and siblings are no longer significant predictors for the diversity

measures. For word types, the best fitting model is one in which

Figure 3. Modeled growth in sentences for different educational levels with and without older siblings present.

Table 7

Summary Statistics for Number of Word Tokens

Education

Age in months

14 18 22 26 30

Graduate degree M  4,093 3,881 3,887 3,697 3,984

SD 1,804 2,083 1,617 1,868 1,784n 17 17 15 16 15

Bachelor’s degree M  2,803 2,126 2,892 3,566 3,778SD 1,178 1,089 1,388 1,350 1,688n 18 18 17 18 16

Some college M  2,802 3,211 3,139 2,895 3,231SD 1,783 2,043 2,199 1,973 1,937n 9 9 9 9 9

High school M  1,572 1,381 1,563 2,145 1,686SD 1,484 1,365 1,034 1,620 953n 6 6 6 5 6

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the expected value is 153.67 at 14 months, and the measure

increases by 18.34 each 4 months and by 0.20 for each utterance.

For sentence types, the expectation at 14 months is 2.37, and the

measure increases by 1.10 for each additional 4 months and by

0.004 for each utterance. The interpretation for these diversity

measures is ambiguous; the differences observed in the curves in

Figures 4 and 5 may be genuine education and sibling effects or

may reflect the association of raw amount of speech with educa-

tion and presence of siblings. This ambiguity is not surprising

since diversity is, in part, a quantity measure.

Two conclusions are suggested by the analyses thus far. First,

differences in educational level affect most aspects of caregiver

speech in a similar way. That is, while the intercept varies, theslope generally does not. (The exceptions to this pattern are pro-

portion of complex sentences, where slope varies with education,

and possibly diversity measures, where education may or may not

predict differences in intercept.) Second, there are major differ-

ences between quantitative and complexity measures. Only com-

plexity increases over time. The fact that complexity increases

over time but that there are long-standing differences across edu-

cational groups suggests that two factors may determine the com-

plexity of caregiver speech. One involves a sensitivity on the part

of the caregiver to the listener’s maturity, and the other involves

long-term differences that are related to educational level. Two

additional tests are relevant to evaluating the differences between

complexity and quantity.

 Rank Order of Caregivers: Stability Over TimeThe subgroup differences we have found suggest that caregivers

may maintain a similar rank on particular measures over time. That

is, a caregiver who is high on a particular variable at the first

Table 8

Summary Statistics for Number of Utterances

Education

Age in months

14 18 22 26 30

Graduate degree M  1,089.4 1,016.0 973.5 873.8 902.1SD 447.1 483.5 417.3 438.3 413.5n 17 17 15 16 15

Bachelor’s degree M  804.9 889.0 788.8 890.1 878.2SD 323.6 296.0 373.1 330.7 393.8n 18 18 17 18 16

Some college M  757.2 877.3 786.4 718.9 765.8SD 372.3 443.4 497.7 429.4 398.6n 9 9 9 9 9

High school M  413.8 413.3 454.5 539.2 436.5SD 333.2 367.3 291.3 389.7 218.2n 6 6 6 5 6

Table 9

Summary Statistics for Number of Sentences

Education

Age in months

14 18 22 26 30

Graduate degree M  755.1 699.2 664.1 615.4 625.5

SD 332.0 372.0 277.6 293.1 268.1n 17 17 15 16 15

Bachelor’s degree M  519.4 565.5 511.6 596.4 601.6SD 201.6 188.9 231.6 225.2 276.1n 18 18 17 18 16

Some college M  530.7 604.8 583.0 525.8 577.1SD 280.8 337.7 384.8 316.8 306.1n 9 9 9 9 9

High school M  295.8 286.3 314.2 395.8 309.7SD 242.9 256.0 189.7 262.7 155.4n 6 6 6 5 6

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observation also may be high on that variable at the other time

points. To investigate the stability of individual characteristics of 

caregivers over time, we computed Kendall’s coefficient of con-

cordance (W ) for each measure, as shown in Table 17. High

concordance indicates that individuals tend to maintain their rank 

order relative to one another across time points.

There is a marked contrast in stability over time for different

measures. In particular, for measures of quantity (number of to-

kens, utterances, and sentences), rank order was not maintained

well across sessions (for all measures, p .30), whereas for

measures of complexity (composition and diversity), there is a

high degree of concordance (for all measures, p .01). That is, for

complexity, but not quantity, individual caregivers tend to main-tain their positions relative to others over time. Thus, while all

caregivers adjust the complexity of their speech to the growth of 

their child, they do so within a certain range that identifies them as

individuals.

The question arises as to whether the concordance we found

might be due entirely to differences in education. To evaluate this

possibility, we examined concordance within education groups. If 

the consistency of order for caregivers were due solely to educa-

tion, then there would be no reason to expect concordance within

educational groups. Table 17 presents the indices of concordance

both overall and broken down by level of education. The data show

that concordance is as high within educational groups as overall.

Thus, the tendency to maintain relative position across caregivers

is due to factors in addition to educational level.

  Interrelations Among Measures

To further address the question of whether the pattern of inter-

relations among the different measures of caregiver speech are

stable across time, we used a principal-components analysis, a

method in which information in the correlations among measures

is used to create a new set of derived variables (factors), which

explain the variation in the original variables. When the bulk of 

variation among the measures can be explained using a smallnumber of factors, we interpret these factors as the underlying

features that the original measures have in common.

Although the sample size is rather small, our analyses suggest

that two principal factors are sufficient to account for most of the

variation in the measures. The first factor represents quantity

measures, and the second factor represents compositional mea-

sures. Table 18 gives the rotated loadings representing the relation

of each measure to the two factors. The loadings for number of 

tokens, utterances, and sentences on Factor 1 are all much higher

than their corresponding loadings on Factor 2 at every time point.

Similarly, the loadings for proportion of complex sentences, num-

Figure 4. Modeled growth in word types for different educational levels with and without older siblings

present.

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ber of noun phrases, and words per sentence on Factor 2 are always

much larger than their corresponding loadings on Factor 1.

The pattern of loadings for the diversity measures, word types

and sentence types, are intermediate between the other two pat-

terns. Word types, while having larger loadings on Factor 1 at all

time points, also have nonnegligible loadings on Factor 2. Sen-

tence types also have relatively large loadings on both factors.

Thus, these measures have some characteristics of the quantitative

Figure 5. Modeled growth in sentence types for different educational levels with and without older siblings

present.

Table 10

Summary Statistics for Word Types

Education

Age in months

14 18 22 26 30

Graduate degree M  385.6 371.5 397.7 397.1 425.5

SD 97.5 99.9 99.0 120.3 102.9n 17 17 15 16 15

Bachelor’s degree M  321.3 346.2 340.2 393.2 430.3SD 99.2 86.5 103.7 107.5 104.5n 18 18 17 18 16

Some college M  321.4 357.7 363.4 351.0 389.3SD 132.5 134.4 148.7 133.7 118.9n 9 9 9 9 9

High school M  232.5 211.2 242.8 289.0 265.5SD 136.3 102.3 89.1 131.4 86.9n 6 6 6 5 6

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measures of language input as well as some of the characteristics

of complexity measures. Because approximately the same pattern

appeared in the analysis of principal components for all time

points, the relational structure of these measures appears to be

stable over time, a conclusion that is consistent with our interpre-

tation of the HLM analyses.

 Discussion

In this study, we have obtained longitudinal data on the speech

of caregivers from a wide range of socioeconomic groups at

several time points during the early period of language develop-

ment. The study has allowed us to answer certain basic questions

Figure 6. Modeled growth in noun phrases per sentence for different educational levels.

Table 11

Summary Statistics for Number of Sentence Types

Education

Age in months

14 18 22 26 30

Graduate degree M  7.12 8.41 9.33 10.13 12.07SD 2.89 3.79 3.62 5.29 5.65n 17 17 15 16 15

Bachelor’s degree M  5.89 6.83 6.82 9.78 11.13SD 2.08 2.77 2.83 3.34 3.36n 18 18 17 18 16

Some college M  7.22 8.11 9.44 8.22 10.78SD 3.93 5.04 5.98 5.72 5.76n 9 9 9 9 9

High school M  5.50 4.17 4.17 6.40 7.5SD 4.55 2.48 0.98 3.29 3.73n 6 6 6 5 6

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that remained unanswered because of lack of systematic data on

caregiver speech. It has been commonly believed that differences

in caregiver speech are unsystematic and not important to acqui-

sition. Any speech differences that endure over time, it has been

claimed, are differences in idiolect, not differences in syntactic

complexity or diversity as we have found. Our findings suggest a

different picture of the nature of these differences.

We developed measures to capture major characteristics of 

caregiver speech and used these measures to examine whether

there are systematic changes in that speech as children become

Figure 7. Modeled growth in words per sentence for different educational levels.

Table 12

Summary Statistics for Number of Noun Phrases per Sentence

Education

Age in months

14 18 22 26 30

Graduate degree M  1.46 1.52 1.58 1.65 1.72

SD 0.12 0.18 0.15 0.20 0.22n 17 17 15 16 15

Bachelor’s degree M  1.43 1.47 1.51 1.58 1.70SD 0.13 0.18 0.19 0.20 0.19n 18 18 17 18 16

Some college M  1.34 1.35 1.47 1.50 1.48SD 0.21 0.29 0.24 0.17 0.25n 9 9 9 9 9

High school M  1.22 1.17 1.34 1.47 1.52SD 0.34 0.28 0.11 0.12 0.16n 6 6 6 5 6

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older and to examine whether there are substantial individual

differences in speech among caregivers across time. We used

compositional measures that capture many important syntactic

characteristics of speech, diversity measures that capture vari-

ety of speech, and simple quantity measures. Complexity and

diversity of speech increased as children became older, whereas

quantity of speech remained constant. There were substantial

individual differences for all measures at all time points, and

educational level was related to caregiver speech for these

measures.

Table 13

Summary Statistics for Number of Words per Sentence

Education

Age in months

14 18 22 26 30

Graduate degree M  4.68 4.75 5.08 5.22 5.55SD 0.49 0.41 0.44 0.61 0.74n 17 17 15 16 15

Bachelor’s degree M  4.56 4.64 4.82 5.18 5.54SD 0.43 0.54 0.56 0.52 0.51n 18 18 17 18 16

Some college M  4.37 4.40 4.66 4.74 4.92SD 0.64 0.78 0.62 0.63 0.80n 9 9 9 9 9

High school M  4.20 3.95 4.29 4.69 4.71SD 0.93 0.64 0.34 0.42 0.76n 6 6 6 5 6

Figure 8. Modeled growth in multiclause sentences for different educational levels.

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While the syntax of a language provides tools that, in principle,

permit construction of sentences of arbitrary levels of complexity,

the actual sentences people produce are limited in complexity. The

limitations have been ascribed to limits in planning, memory, and

so forth. Our findings provide new and systematic information

about caregiver speech indicating that there are clusters of indi-

viduals whose speech falls into different complexity groups. Dif-

ferent educational groups can be characterized by the range of 

complexity over which their speech varies. Thus, when one de-

scribes the language input that children are exposed to, it seems

most accurate to posit different working levels of complexity in

different caregivers—levels that characterize their habitual forms

of verbal communication with young children.

Change in Caregiver Speech Over Time

With respect to change in caregiver speech over time, earlier

studies have obtained mixed results. Some studies of speech to very

young children have reported differences from usual adult speech

patterns. Indeed, such child-directed speech is referred to as mother-

ese and is said to involve a special register in which speech is

simplified and intonation is exaggerated (e.g., Newport et al., 1977;

Snow, 1972). Such alterations in speech presumably decrease with

age, reflecting caregiver adjustment to increasing skills in the child.

However, studies that have examined speech to young children lon-

gitudinally have failed to find convincing evidence of such changes

with age. Some studies have failed to find differences in complexity

(e.g., Furrow et al., 1979; Newport et al., 1977), and others have failed

to find differences in utterance length (e.g., Kavanaugh & Jirkovsky,

1982; Newport et al., 1977). Note, though, that the lack of significant

results in the earlier longitudinal studies might be due to the fact that

the age ranges studied were too narrow. Cross-sectional studies often

do show changes with age, but the sample sizes they have used have

been too small to evaluate whether there are systematic changes in

caregiver speech related to child age.

Table 14

Summary Statistics for Proportion of Complex Sentences

Education

Age in months

14 18 22 26 30

Graduate degree M  .084 .087 .117 .133 .151SD .031 .026 .035 .040 .045n 17 17 15 16 15

Bachelor’s degree M  .077 .078 .100 .118 .148SD .024 .031 .035 .035 .038n 18 18 17 18 16

Some college M  .078 .096 .098 .097 .130SD .035 .042 .035 .054 .049n 9 9 9 9 9

High school M  .075 .075 .083 .102 .100SD .042 .014 .028 .033 .056n 6 6 6 5 6

Table 15

  Average Number of Noun Phrases in One- and Two-Clause Utterances

Educational group

Session

All sessions1 2 3 4 5

One clause

Graduate degree 1.37 1.42 1.44 1.50 1.53 1.45Bachelor’s degree 1.34 1.38 1.39 1.44 1.53 1.41Some college 1.26 1.23 1.36 1.39 1.37 1.32High school 1.14 1.09 1.25 1.37 1.43 1.26All 1.31 1.33 1.38 1.44 1.49 1.39

Two clauses

Graduate degree 2.38 2.43 2.49 2.54 2.58 2.48Bachelor’s degree 2.41 2.47 2.51 2.66 2.68 2.55Some college 2.26 2.40 2.34 2.41 2.39 2.36High school 2.24 2.12 2.23 2.35 2.24 2.24All 2.35 2.40 2.43 2.54 2.53 2.45

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The present longitudinal study, involving a large sample of 

families, shows substantial change in caregiver speech over time.

Whereas most previous studies have investigated only a handful of 

syntactic structures, the present study has explored a wide range of 

speech characteristics. We have found significant changes in syn-

tactic complexity and diversity over time, but no change in quan-

tity. This pattern suggests that changes in caregiver speech are not

simply due to factors such as greater motivation or interest in

talking to older children. Rather, while the caregivers produce

roughly the same quantity of speech in a conversation, the com-

position of their speech changes. The increase in syntactic com-

plexity over time indicates a sensitivity of caregivers to children’s

language levels and, at the same time, provides children with

exposure to a wider range of the syntactic devices available in the

language as children proceed in mastering the syntax of their

language.

While the observed changes in caregiver speech provide evi-

dence of child effects on how caregivers talk, the specific causes

are not yet clear. Caregivers may be reacting to the particular

production or comprehension levels of a child at a given time, or

they might only be making rough adjustments to more general

child characteristics in anticipation of increases in syntactic mas-

tery with age. Regardless of the explanation for caregivers’ ad-

 justments of their speech, our data indicate that they are substan-

tial, indicating that questions as to whether parents fine tune their

speech are important to explore. More exact information about the

sources of change in caregiver speech can be obtained from future

studies that examine both caregiver and child speech, making it

possible to determine the extent to which variation in caregiver

speech can be attributed to children’s language level versus their

age.

  Individual Differences Among Caregivers

With respect to individual differences among caregivers, we

have found substantial differences that are maintained over time.

Earlier studies did not generally examine caregivers longitudinally,

so that questions about longstanding differences could not be

directly addressed. We observed differences on all measures at

every time point. When we modeled individual differences among

caregivers on our diverse set of measures, including composition

of syntax and the lexicon, syntactic and lexical diversity, and

quantity of speech, we found differences as a function of group-

level factors, in particular, with educational level. More educated

Table 17

Kendall’s Coefficient of Concordance for Each Measure, Overall and by Education Level

Measure Overall

Educational level

1 2 3 4

Word tokens .017 .088 .032 .126 .078Utterances .024 .064 .072 .086 .254Sentences .013 .010 .032 .091 .182Word types* .094 .136 .121 .204 .075Sentence types** .274 .247 .163 .502 .325Complex sentences** .415 .204 .416 .599 .561Noun phrases per sentence** .398 .384 .503 .383 .449Words per sentence** .551 .352 .521 .697 .555

*  p .01. **  p .001.

Table 16

  Average Number of Words in One- and Two-Clause Utterances

Educational group

Session

All sessions1 2 3 4 5

One clause

Graduate degree 4.37 4.42 4.62 4.69 4.91 4.60Bachelor’s degree 4.28 4.36 4.41 4.67 4.91 4.52Some college 4.11 4.04 4.32 4.38 4.39 4.25High school 3.91 3.73 4.02 4.34 4.39 4.08All 4.23 4.25 4.41 4.59 4.74 4.44

Two clauses

Graduate degree 7.79 7.75 8.16 8.24 8.39 8.07Bachelor’s degree 7.60 7.62 8.00 8.45 8.50 8.03Some college 6.90 7.42 7.38 7.69 7.81 7.44High school 7.53 6.49 6.94 7.61 7.21 7.15All 7.45 7.32 7.62 8.00 7.98 7.67

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caregivers spoke more and with greater syntactic complexity and

diversity than did less educated caregivers. Earlier studies have

treated SES as a single variable including both income and edu-

cation. In the present study, we examined income and education

separately and found that, while the two factors are highly related,

education was more closely associated with characteristics of 

parent speech.

Variation in complexity of caregiver speech for different edu-

cational groups occurred at all levels of syntactic complexity

examined. That is, caregivers who expressed themselves using

higher proportions of multiclause sentences also used more noun

phrases and words per clause, and they produced a greater diver-

sity of clausal-level structures. When the number of clauses was

controlled, there still were substantial individual differences in

constituent-level complexity (numbers of noun phrases and

words). As in earlier studies, we found that the presence of oldersiblings at a session does not affect the composition of speech even

though it has a major effect on the quantity of speech.

Our results suggest that differences in the composition and

diversity of syntax reflect long-standing characteristics of caregiv-

ers. Other findings in the literature support such a view. In partic-

ular, there are studies showing that educational level is related to

a person’s speech to other adults (e.g., Hoff, 2003b; Van den

Broeck, 1977). Miller and Weinert (1998) and Ravid and Tolchin-

sky (2002) have found that amount of education is specifically

related to overall complexity of speech. In future studies, samples

of caregiver speech should be obtained when they address other

adults as well as children. The participants should be from a broad

range of backgrounds, and samples should include contexts in-

volving a variety of topics and situations. Note, though, that the

important point here is that children encounter very different

linguistic environments and that some children may not receive

sufficient exposure to complex forms to become proficient with

their use.

The Sources of Individual Differences

The findings of significant long-lasting differences in caregiver

speech reported here bring up questions concerning the possible

sources of such differences. While our empirical data do not allow

us to identify such sources, let us consider general logical issues

that arise in examining the issue. Clearly, there are alternative

possible explanations for the substantial and longstanding differ-

ences in complexity of speech we have observed across caregivers.

These differences could reflect biological variations in ability,

variation in the input different caregivers received as children, or

other factors such as general styles of speech, beliefs in children’s

ability to understand, and so forth.

When one considers the respective roles of biology versus early

input in determining caregiver speech, it should be noted that the

sources of differences among caregivers and children should be

parallel. That is, if caregivers differ because of a biological (ge-

netic) relation to their parents, that difference should also be seen

in their relation to their children. If they differ because of variation

in the input they received as children, the speech they direct to

their children should be related to their own prior input. In short,

intergenerational links that connect caregivers to the previous

generation (their parents) also connect caregivers to the following

generation (their children).

There are data to indicate that intergenerational links are, at least

in part, input driven, ruling out extreme biological interpretations.

Hoff-Ginsberg (1998) found that birth order is related to the

language caregivers direct to their children. Since the biological

relation of caregiver and child is the same across siblings, this

finding indicates that the role of input in parent–child interaction

is distinct from genetic factors. Further, Huttenlocher et al. (2002)

found correlations of teacher speech with children’s syntactic

growth over a school year. The speech of the teachers was uncor-

related with children’s levels at the start of the school year but was

correlated at the end of the year. These findings clearly reflecteffects of input on syntactic growth.

In considering the role of input, imagine two caregivers whose

speech differs in complexity. One caregiver uses mainly one-

clause sentences that rarely specify location or time of an event.

The other caregiver uses mainly multiclause sentences that mark 

the time and place of events, for example, “The lady got the book 

that had a beautiful binding at Barnes & Noble last week.” Clearly

the child who receives input from the latter caregiver will have

more experience with complex speech and may find it easier to

understand and produce such speech. If repeated exposure affects

the probability of using particular grammatical forms, it could

Table 18

Varimax-Rotated Principal Components at Each Time Point 

Measure

Loadings on two components by age

14 months 18 months 22 months 26 months 30 months

Factor Factor Factor Factor Factor

1 2 1 2 1 2 1 2 1 2

Word tokens 0.95 0.28 0.95 0.29 0.96 0.26 0.94 0.34 0.95 0.28Utterances 0.98 0.14 0.97 0.15 0.98 0.07 0.98 0.15 0.98 0.07Sentences 0.97 0.18 0.97 0.17 0.99 0.11 0.97 0.21 0.99 0.11Word types 0.83 0.47 0.80 0.50 0.87 0.40 0.83 0.49 0.89 0.35Sentence types 0.46 0.66 0.70 0.56 0.64 0.60 0.48 0.75 0.58 0.67Complex sentences 0.04 0.92 0.06 0.84 0.09 0.88 0.11 0.90 0.16 0.90Noun phrases per sentence 0.32 0.84 0.37 0.83 0.20 0.87 0.38 0.81 0.09 0.88Words per sentence 0.26 0.91 0.32 0.88 0.22 0.92 0.20 0.90 0.21 0.94

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explain the relation we have observed between input and acquisi-

tion. To be fluent with complex syntax, an individual may require

frequent embellishment of simple sentences into sentences that

combine clauses, use prepositional and adverbial phrases, and so

forth.

While existing research shows the importance of exposure,

biological factors also may be important. Differences in caregiverspeech may reflect biological differences in the ease with which

different people acquire language from input. Our data are consis-

tent with this possibility. That is, the caregivers we observed in the

present longitudinal study differed at the start (intercept differ-

ences), and these differences remained parallel as children became

older (common slope). The observed differences in start levels and

the parallel increases over time could reflect both the genetic

differences among parents and the genetic similarities of parents

and children.

A model that allows differences in input to affect acquisition can

also accommodate biological factors without major revision. For

example, some individuals may benefit more from exposure than

others; for these individuals, exposure effects might be longer

lasting and contribute more to likelihood of using complex formsand so forth. In short, the mechanisms involved in acquisition may

be similar across children but vary in the relative weights of 

biological versus input factors. In any case, our findings indicate

long-lasting individual differences in the complexity of caregiver

speech. Thus, the relation of individual differences in the speech of 

caregivers to child acquisition should be examined systematically.

Conclusions

The present study provides important information on caregiver

speech to very young children. Our behavioral data have estab-

lished two different sources of variability in speech to young

children. First, caregivers modify their speech depending on thecharacteristics of the children they are addressing. Second, there

are substantial and long-lasting differences in the speech of dif-

ferent caregivers. The long-lasting individual differences involve

variations in syntactic complexity that are tied to the caregivers’

educational level. While caregivers make adjustments in their

speech depending on the child, they nevertheless retain their indi-

vidual speech patterns over time. The findings of the present study

provide a framework for systematic naturalistic study of 

caregiver–child relations to further evaluate the role of input in

language acquisition.

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Appendix

Details of the HLM Models

In the body of the article, we have focused on general results and

have relied on the figures to present detail about the forms of the

change trajectories. Here, we present information about the parame-

ters that describe the curves, as well as the variance components that

describe individual variation. Each HLM model estimates the change

trajectory for some measure of caregiver speech using a regression

equation that predicts the measure with an intercept and a slope that

reflects change over time. We code time so that its value is zero at the

first observation, one at the second, and so on, ending at four for the

fifth observation. In this system, the intercept is the expected value for

the speech measure at the time of the first observation (14 months),and the slope represents the expected change between adjacent time

points. For the one variable (words per sentence) that exhibited a

slight curve in the change trajectory, a more complex model was used

in which a second slope reflected quadratic change over time. In

addition to the model for time, we consider one time-varying covari-

ate: the presence or absence of older siblings during the visit. The

HLM analyses are roughly equivalent to estimating regression equa-

tions separately for each caregiver and summarizing the values of 

growth parameters across people.

Next, we consider how those linear or quadratic models vary

across individuals. We employ a dummy coding system for edu-

cation, which permits each educational group to have a different

mean growth trajectory. In this system, we estimate the intercept

for one group (the group with the highest level of education) and

express the intercepts of other groups as changes or differences

from that reference group. In addition, we consider models in

which education predicts the slope (and, in the case of words per

sentence, the quadratic slope). We investigate these explanatory

models for any growth parameter that exhibits significant vari-

ation across individual participants, regardless of whether the

average value of the parameter is significantly different from

zero. This allows us to investigate the possibility that differenteducation groups exhibit different growth rates as well as

different starting points and guards against the possibility that

the flat growth trajectories for some outcomes result from a

situation in which differential growth for different groups av-

erages to zero.

Although education explains some of the variations in the pa-

rameters (in most cases the intercept, but for proportion of multi-

clause sentences, the slope), there are generally still unexplained

individual differences. The amount of the unexplained variation is

quantified by variance component estimates, which are the esti-

mated variances of the individual differences (in intercept or slope)

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within educational groups. We report the square root of these

variance components, so that results are in the more interpretable

standard deviation metric.

Table A1 provides a summary of the results of our final anal-

yses. Each column of the table provides results for a different

language measure. For each of these measures, the first four rows

of the table present the estimates of the average intercept for thehighest educational group and the differences in mean intercept

between that group and each of the other groups, along with the

standard errors of these estimates (in parentheses). The fifth row of 

the table presents the effects of the presence of older siblings. The

sixth and seventh rows of the table present the linear and quadratic

slopes (if these are statistically significant) along with their stan-

dard errors (in parentheses). The last two rows of the table present

the variation of individual differences in intercepts or slopes (when

they are statistically significant) within educational groups, ex-

pressed as standard deviations (square roots of the variance com-

ponents). Note that the differences in intercept associated with

caregiver education are very large in comparison with the remain-

ing individual differences. For the quantitative measures, the dif-

ference in intercept between the highest and lowest educational

groups is approximately five standard deviations (five times the

variance component for the intercept). For the compositional mea-

sures, the difference in intercept between the highest and lowest

educational groups is approximately 10 standard deviations (10

times the variance component for the intercept).

For some of the variables, transformations or other special

handling can improve the validity of statistical inference. One

reason this may arise is because the variable is a proportion

(e.g., the proportion of complex sentences), in which case we

employ a logistic regression model rather than a conventional

regression. Another reason transformations may be necessary is

that the distribution of errors of prediction is not constant across

the range of model-predicted values. This was true for several

of our variables. Accordingly, we analyze the square root of number of tokens, number of utterances, number of sentences,

and diversity—number of word types and sentence types. In-

ferences for these variables are conducted in the square-root

metric. However, for the variables that were transformed by the

square root, the parameters that we present are in the untrans-

formed metric, as these untransformed models are more easily

interpreted, and the transformed and untransformed models

result in very similar predictions.

The process of fitting the models and exploring moderating

variables involved trying a number of different possible models for

each of our measures. In the interests of parsimony, we sought to

reduce these to models in which only significant coefficients

remained. Table A1 presents the parameter estimates for each of the measures that resulted from that process; these are the param-

eter values that were used to produce the figures depicting the

best-fitting change trajectories.

Received September 2, 2005

Revision received August 18, 2006

Accepted August 29, 2006

Table A1

Growth Curve Parameters and Standard Errors for the Eight Language Measures

ParameterWordtokens

Number of utterances

Number of sentences

Wordtypes

Sentencetypes

Complexsentences

Noun phrasesper sentence

Words persentence

Intercepts

For highest level of education 4,097.88 1,033.55 713.01 374.49 7.39 2.48 1.46 4.69(advanced degree) (342.21) (79.36) (56.67) (23.56) (0.68) (0.05) (0.04) (0.13)Change for bachelor’s degree 607.06 101.43 101.19 24.67 1.34 0.01 0.04 0.13

(468.25) (109.67) (77.79) (32.08) (0.91) (0.03) (0.05) (0.17)Change for some college 870.38 214.15 118.97 40.23 0.09 0.06 0.15 0.35

(570.86) (133.13) (94.57) (38.90) (1.11) (0.04) (0.07) (0.20)Change for high school only 2,307.71 563.29 374.44 156.35 2.98 0.12 0.25 0.68

(660.67) (153.45) (109.37) (44.82) (1.29) (0.04) (0.08) (0.24)Change if older siblings present 1,009.50 274.40 190.44 58.36 1.69

(251.66) (56.91) (44.75) (14.92) (0.69)Slopes

Linear change 15.91 1.03 0.19 0.06 0.08(3.06) (0.14) (0.02) (0.01) (0.05)

Quadratic change 0.03(0.01)

Amount of unexplained individualdifferences

Square root of variance component forintercept

1,348.91 306.88 221.20 93.21 2.12 0.36 0.16 0.50

Square root of variance component forslope

15.11 0.53 0.10 0.04 0.23

 Note. Standard errors are in parentheses below each estimate. For complex sentences, education increments are adjustments to the slope, not to theintercept.

1083SPEECH TO YOUNG CHILDREN