Muerte Enel Folk l or Mexicano

8/18/2019 Muerte Enel Folk l or Mexicano

1/21

Death in Mexican Folk Culture

Author(s): Patricia Fernandez KellyReviewed work(s):Source: American Quarterly, Vol. 26, No. 5, Special Issue: Death in America (Dec., 1974), pp.516-535Published by: The Johns Hopkins University PressStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2711888 .

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2/21

DEATH

IN

MEXICAN

FOLK

CULTURE

PATRICIA

FERNANDEZ

KELLY

Departamento

nternacional

Universidadbero-A

mericana

We come

only o

sleep,

We come

only o dream.

It

is

not

true, t s

nottrue

That to the

arth

we come to ive.

We are to

become as theweeds n

every

pring.

Our heart

has

greened nd

sprouted

Some

flowers

ill

ur

bodygive,

And then

t

shall

forever

ilt.

(Cant. Mex.,f.14v., in.3 ss. De Tenochtitlan)

MEXICO

IS

A

COUNTRY WITH A

DISTINGUISHED

CULTURAL

TRADITION DATING

back three

thousand

years.

Its

historical

route

has

been one of

great

achievements

s well as of

great

tragedy, et

n

ts

entirety

t

is

possible

o

perceive

he

continued

mportance

f the

dea

of

death inkedwith

eligion,

magicand,

in

later

times,

philosophy. he

problem

f death as

a constant

preoccupation

f

man

n

these

three

reas of

humanbehavior s

not

imited

to Mexico's past or present.On the contrary t probablyconstitutes,

together

with

he

dea

of

ove,one of

the

most

widespread

oncerns

n

the

world. However,Mexico

with ts

past

rich

with

he

memory

f

great

and

lost civilizations

civilizations

n

time

blendedwith

he

Europeantradition

in

a

historical

ycle of colonialism

nd domination

hat n

a

sense has

not

yet

ended

offers

he researcher

n abundance

of material

marked

by

its

uniqueness nd

creativity.

Before

urveyingome of

the

characteristic ays

the idea

of death has

been treated n

Mexico,

t

s

necessary

o

consider ome more

general

mat-

ters. Wheredoes the concern withdeath originate? t is reasonable to

believe

hat

this

exclusively uman

question

rises

from

nother

ypically

human

trait:

the

capacity

for

self-awareness.t is

only man

who can ob-

serve he

surrounding

orldwhile

knowing

t

the same time hat

he

can be

observed.

Many have

pondered ver

the

fundamentalharacter

f

the reci-


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3/21

Death inMexican Folk Culture

517

procity

resultingfrom this

perceptual act. Through complex mental

processes

man has separatedhis individual onsciousness

rom he natural

context.Unlike other animal

species, man has attempted

n a sense to

withdraw rom nature by means of an intricatenet of symbols which

transforms im nto uniqueobserver f himself nd

everythingbouthim.

Not onlydoes he grasp the

mainstream f existencebut

also its painful

termination

nd, ncapableof accepting hisfact n ts

definitiverudity, e

evolves a

complex structure f

explanationwhich an only

be understood

against

hebackground fthehuman onception f time.

It is of

central mportance o realize that far from

efiningn

objective

reality, ategories f time shape

the way

in

whichhuman

beingsorganize

reality. he idea of death n theprehispanic ivilizations fMexico and in

the

contemporary

olk

ulture annot

be fully omprehended

ithout

ome

mention

f

thepeculiarities hat

time-notions

ave n

specific ontexts.

or

the natives

of

Mexico,

time

was

a

never-ending

uccession

of

cycles sep-

arated

from

one another

by

death

and

the destruction f the

world,

the

order

of which could

only

be

restored

through

acrifice.

As

with

other

highly

religious ultures,they

formulated

concept

of

life

on

earth

as

merely fragment

f what

onstitutes he xistential

otality

f

thecosmos.

In

addition, ifeon earth

s

often

referred o as a dream, a fiction lways

posing heproblematic uestion f what rue ife s:

Will departn his

manner?

As

the lowers

hich

erished?

Willnothinge eftn

my ame?

Will

nothingemain

fmy ame ere

n

arth?

Letthere t eastbe

blossoms

t

east ongs

(Cant.Mex.,

.

Or.,

in.17 s De Huexotzinco.

nonimo)

In suchan environment,eathcannotrepresentmerely hecorruptionf

matter nd the

end

of

lifefor

man;

nor can

it be seen

only

as a

necessary

step

toward he

granting

f salvation r an

eternity

f

happiness.

t is rather

conceived

of as

requisite

o the

prolongation

f

life.

Nothing

an

exist

n

time

f

it

has not

previously assed

through

he

process

of death.

Thus

sacrifice,

he

generous

donation

of

human

blood, guarantees

the

per-

manenceof the

universe;

man

becomes

an active

agent

n

sharing

n the

responsibility

f

preserving

osmic order. Here

lies

the

ustification

f

the

practice

of

human

sacrifice,

which in its

purest expression

does not

constitute hebrutal xterminationf human ifebut rather he ntegration

of t nto

morereal and

permanent

xistence.

It is not

difficulto understand

he process thatoriginates

uch a

system

of

understandings hen

we

reflect pon

cultures

s

a

whole,

nd whenwe

notice hat

regardless f their

omplexity

nd

sophistication

hey

base their

prosperity n

the practice

of

agriculture. illing

he

earth

as the establish-




4/21

518 A mericanQuarterly

ment of a relationship

with

the naturalenvironment epresents

special

experience. ndeed,

there s

nothing

n naturewhichconfirmshe idea

of

death

as a

definitivend;

when

egetation ies,

t

s

only

o come

to ife

gain

the followingpring.

hus

death precedes ife,

which n

turnmust

gain

be

succeededbydeath

n a

never-ending

tream.

But where o these

final

onceptions

f

theprehispanic

eligions

ind heir

roots?The first bservable ndications f an interest

n

death

appeared

n

Middle Americaaroundfifteen undred

ears

before

hrist,

n

the

form f

funeraryrrangements

n which

keletons

were buried n fetal

positions

r

with the legs extended oward the

west. Such

remnants

were

frequently

found

n

the

company

f

vestiges

f

pottery

nd

utensils

hat erved s offer-

ings r gifts.

The discovery f bone structuresn crouchedpositions

eems to indicate

the

presence

f the

belief

n

death as a return

o

the

womb from

which

he

child originally merged.

As forthe orientation

f

the

skeletonswith

heir

extremities urned

west,

t

is

not a

surprise

or

the

anthropologist.

ther

cultures

n

theworld hare the same

custom,

ften ssociated

with

he dea

that

hedead must

walk

toward

heregion

where he un tself

ies,

where

t

sets

every vening.

It is, however, he finding f offeringshatmoreprofoundlyxcitesthe

imagination,

s

the custom seems to

support

he belief

n

the continuation

of

the

daily

needs of

man

even after

his death.

Accepting

he

continuing

need

forhuman

essentials,

n

acknowledgment

f

the permanence

f

life,

seems also to

suggest

hat

whatever ollows eath must

be

explained

n ac-

cordance

with

amiliar

xperiences.

his

tradition,

s

old

as the xistence

f

culture

n

Middle

America,

remains ne

of

the

significant

atterns

f be-

havior

n

present

imes.

Later, funerary itualsbecame morecomplicated n

concept s well as in

the technical ndmaterialpreferencesssociated with heofferings.here

have

been discoveries

f

graves belonging o the Middle

Preclassic period

(ca.

1300-800

B.C.) in whichhuman remains ppear

surrounded y a daz-

zlingvariety

f

finely olished ewelryworked n ade, obsidian, erpentine

and

other

emiprecious tones, ide by side with thergraves haracterized

by

their

reat implicity.

his

contradictorybundance nd

scarcity fgifts

seems

to

indicate gradual and significanttratificationf

the social struc-

ture. One

thing,however,

s

shared by the two burial

systems: he pro-

liferationf amulets n the formof delicate feminine igurinesmolded n

clay, striking

or

theemphasisplaced upon their exuality

y means of an

exaggeration

f the

hips, breasts and navel. Some of

these miniature

masterpieces re shown holding nfants n their arms

and are covered

with

reddish

lip,or appear peculiarly isected, hus xhibitingwoheads

or

two faces on

the same

body.

This

intriguing

ivision s

further em-




5/21

Death in

Mexican Folk

Culture

519

onstrated

by

the

frequent

epresentation

f

bodies

in

which one half is

painted

ed

while

he

other

s left

without

olor.

Everything

n

these

figurinespeaks

of

ife,

articularly

f the

capacity

f

women o

procreate,

nd

they

an be

regarded

as Mesoamerican ounter-

parts

of

theEur

pean

"venuses" of

the

Paleolithic

ra,

possibly ymbolic

f

the dea

of

the

earthenvisioned

s a

feminine

ntity.

he

fact

that

many

f

these

sculptures

have been

found

nside

graves

seems to

specify

heir

meaning.

hey

are charms ntended

o

facilitate he

ontinuationf the

vital

forces after

death. Aside

from

theirobvious reference o life as shown

through

he

exaggeration

f the sexual

elements,

he

frequency

ithwhich

the number two"

appears

in

their

omposition oses

an

interestingues-

tionwhich anbe addressedwith hehelpof some other culptures,articu-

larly

a

miniaturemask shown

n

the

Museum of

Anthropology

n

Mexico

City.

n

it,

halfthe

face

s covered

with he

appearance

of

iving

leshwhile

...............

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xx x : I

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- .11 ........

.

.. ....

-

11 ..........

.

..... ..

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... .................

1.1 .............-

........ ..

....... ...............

...

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1111.1 .............

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...... ..

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11111.............I

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:xxxxxxxxxxx

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11.1 ................

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.:xxx xxxxxx xxxx xx

:x

Figure

:

Clay

mask

epresenting

he

uality

f ife nddeath.

reclassic

eriod

ca.

1500-200

.C.)

CentralMexico.

MuseoNacional e

Anthropologia.




6/21

520

A

merican

Quarterly

the

other

half s a naked skull

Figure

1).

Clearly

a

symbol

of

the

unity

resulting rom

he

complementary

haracter

f ife

nd

death, t s

only ne

of the

many

rtisticworks

n which senseof

this

duality

s

expressed.

Indeed,from visualperspective, aturemanifeststself n the form f

complementaryualities:

ight

nd

darkness,

masculinity nd

femininity,

the

heavens

and the

earth,the

visible nd

the

nvisible,warmth

nd

cold,

permanent

nd

temporary,

ife

nd

death.What

s

notable

s

the

presence

f

all these

opposing

forces

s

integral

arts

of

the

unity

within

he

universe,

an idea which

eached

ts

summit

n

later

cultures,

articularly

mong

the

Aztecs.

Throughout

he

history

f

the

prehispanic

roups, he obsessionwith

he

contradictionf life and deathremains s one of the most mportant e-

ligious

preoccupations.

till, there s

a point

t

which

hese

gradually or-

mulated

raditions

egin

o

take definite

hape

n

a

remarkablynteresting

way. This

is the era known

o

archaeologists

s

the

Classic

period

ca.

200

B.C.-800

A.D.),

specific

evidence for

which has

been found in

the

southeastern

egion

f

Mexico

where

he

Maya

culture

lourished.

Palenque

is one

of the most

impressive

ights

n

the

world.

t

emerges

from

a

patch

of

jungle, a

conglomeration f

finely uilt, monumental

edifices

till

overedwith

white tucco and

decoratedwith

xquisite

arvings

in

high

elief.

mong

he

emples, he

most

famous

s

theso-called

Temple

of

the

nscriptions,"

nique n

Middle America

because

of

the

existence f

an

underground

unerary

rypt,

nside

which

was

found hedead

body

of

an

undoubtedly istinguished

ersonburied

pproximately

ne

thousand

years

ago.

It

seems,

n

fact,

hat

the

entire rchitectural

tructure as

builtwith

the deliberate

purpose

of

preserving

he

noble

tomb,

which

can

only

be

reached

by

descending

steep taircase hat

onnects he

shrine bove with

the

funerary

nclosure elow.

Insidethecrypts a monolithicurial asket carved nddecorated nthe

sides as

well as

on

the

id. It

is the

id

which

particularlynterests s when

considering

n

detail the

idea of

death. On it we

see the

delicately

arved

figure

f

a

man

reclining

n

a fetal

position.

Behindhim

tree f ife

a

ceiba

or

cottonsilk

ree)

stands

erect with

its

branches

supporting

he

sky.

Underneath,

he

geometricmask

of the

monster f

the earth

servesas a

pedestal

while

on

top

a

Kuan bird

symbolizes

he

heavens.

To

the sides of

the

plaque there re

streams f water,

nd

close to the

nose of

the reclining

figure small tubeprovideshim with ir. Both nside nd outsidethe sar-

cophagus

precious

fferings

ere

found

hat

ndicate he

high ocial

status

of

the man:

necklaces

made

of

patiently

arved

ade

beads,

enormous

pearls,

fragments

f

rock

crystal,

ome

impressive

masks

and

particularly

the

dignifiedtucco

heads of two

young

warriors,

onsidered n

our times

among

he

masterpieces

f

Middle

American

rt.

At first

lance what

surprises

s

about the

relief

s

the

magnificent

ech-




7/21

Death

in Mexican Folk

Culture

521

nical

abilitywhich

llowed the

craftsman o producesuch a

fine

nd

vital

representationfthe

humanbody.

Considered

within he context f

other

Mesoamericanworks, his

ne is

exceptional or

ts

approximationo

visual

reality. venthough t remains highly tylized eligiousmagesurrounded

bygeometric

esigns,

he

figure

f the

man and the

bird

ndicate profound

observation f nature s

such,

particularlyf the tructural

ubtleties

f the

human

natomy.

The Maya

and otherprehispanic

roupsdid

not cultivate ortraitureo

a

significant

xtent.Probablythis was so

because their

rt was

mainly

n-

tended to

represent not so much

the

earthly

visual

reality as

the

supernatural, ighly

ntellectual

orld

which

he

eye cannot

grasp.

But t

s

possible o consider herelief n the idof thecasket as a re-creationf the

man buried

nside.Because

of the position n which

he

is

depicted,

t

seems

thathe has

returned o the

core

of the

earth

n

theform f a

child.Nothing

in

the carving

uggests he resigned

cceptance

of

the man's

death. On

the

contrary,fforts eremade to

provide, s a magical id,all that

was

needed

for

he continuation f his

ife:water,

ir,

the foodof theearth

nd

the

sky

above.

If

this

were

not

a sufficientndication f the

reluctance o

perceive

death as a

definitiveurtailment f

existence,

fine

mbilical ord

creeping

up the

staircase connects

the burialcontainer

with

he carved

representa-

tionsof women n thefacade of thebuildingwhohold babies ntheir rms.

In

synthesishis

ppears

to

be a monumental

xpression

fthe

concepts

c-

cording

o which

he

man in

his

prenatalposition

may

remain

forever

ur-

roundedby a

warm and

living tmospherewhich

ssures

his

future

xis-

tence.

Another

moment

n the

history

f

the

prehispanic

roups should

be

considered

or

ts concernwith eath

as

a structural

omponent

f theuni-

verse. This is

the period

representedy the

Aztec culture

rganized bout

the dea ofwar as the upreme ctivity fgods andmen. t isknown hat he

Aztec

civilization

lourishedrom n

intricate usion

fpreviously

xisting

influences,

hich

were

assimilatedby

ater

generations,

ith

tradition f

aggressivenomads who

arrived

n

the

central

highlands uring

he 13th

century.

hese

newcomers r

"chichimecas," s

theywere abeled

by

the

previous

nhabitants f theregion,

lready

possessed,before

migrating, re-

ligion

entered

n Huitzilopochtli,

he solar death

deitywho had

emerged

from

the

body of the

earth. From

this starting oint,

and after

ncor-

porating he nfluence fthe existing edentary roups ofCentralMexico,

the

Aztecs

evolved complex nd

awe-inspiring

eligious ystem.

As a

warfaring,un-worshiping

mpire, hey

conceived he idea of

the

cosmos as

the

permanent

nd eternalmanifestation

fwar

among

the

gods,

each

representing basic universal

orce.The sun

tself

ecame theperfect

prototype

f

the victorious

ighter

ho cyclicallyhas to

struggle gainst

darkness

n

order

to

rise

again

each

morning

s

the source of

light.

Only




8/21

522 A

merican

Quarterly

throughwar could

the rhythmic

tructure f the

universe e consolidated;

onlydeath ssured

he

permanence f ife.

The

ancient oncept of

duality

lreadyexpressed n the

figurines

f

the

preclassic era continued o be an important actor n the religion f the

Aztecs. Accordingly, hey

ccepted the existence f two

great

generative

principles:

mecihuatl "Two-Lady") and

Ometecuhtli

"Two-Lord"),

one

femininend the

other

masculine, hroughwhoseunion

both

gods

and men

had been created.

We shoulduse theterm

principles"

ather han

"gods"

because

their rtistic

epresentation

as not

permitted; hey

had

no

shape

or

form

and thus remained s abstract

notions.

Still theircontact

had

producedthe life

of four main

deities

who

inhabited

he

four cardinal

regions f theworld:Huitzilopochtli,he olargod ofdeath,XipeTotec,the

flayed

god

of

spring,

Tezcatlipoca,

the

deceiving god of

war,

and

Quetzalcoatl,

he

cultural

herowho

hadtaughtmenthevalue of fire nd the

practice of

agriculture. n this

religiouspattern, he

gods

opposed

each

other

ntheir

iverse

haracteristics.

Among

all the

representationselated o

death,

the

monstrous

mage

of

Coatlicue

"She

with he

skirt

made

of

snakes"),

the

Goddess

of

Earth,

s

of

particular interest Figure

2).

In the

magnificentculpture

which is

exhibited

n

the

Museum

of

Anthropology

n

Mexico

City,

Coatlicue

repre-

sentsmore han single eity; he s a synthesis f thereligious eliefs fthe

Aztecs. Completed in the

year

"onetochtli,"correspondingn

our

own

calendar

to

the year

1454,

the

representation

akes

the form

f a monolith

carved

n

basaltic

stone,

nd

could be regarded s a

prehispanic

ounterpart

of the

dea

of

"mother

arth"

n the

Western

radition. owever, here re

a

number

f elements hat

transformt into

something xceptional. rom

a

structural oint

f

view,

he

sculpture

hows

a geometric

attern, rontally

dividing

he mass into

fourhorizontal

lanes:

the

egs,

the

kirt,

he

breasts,

and thehead in theshapeof two argesnakes which tare at the sametime

forward nd to the

sides.

Considered

ertically

t

s a

perfectly

ymmetrical

cruciform

esign

n

which ach of

ts extremes

eems

to

point

o each of

the

fourcardinalregions

previouslymentioned. rom

the

numerical

pointof

view

t is

important o remember hat

"four,"

the

mystical igit, s

a

mul-

tiple

f

"two,"

the

ign

hat

ymbolizes

he

ntrinsic

uality

f

the

cosmos.

The

legs

of the

goddess

are

seen

in

the formof

gigantic

agle

claws

clenched

o

the

underworld

r

Mictlan

engraved n the soles of her

feet.

There livedMictlantecuhtli,ne of thedeified epresentationsfdeath n

the

company

f

an

owl, a symbol

f

darkness.

The

legs

of the

sculpture re

also

decoratedwith

piral

motifs

hat

appear

to

represent

nails,

which n

the

mythology

f

theAztecs were

references

o

Huitzilopochtli.

Between he

extremities

angs

a

monumental nake

whose

head

touches

the

ground.

This

elementhas been

nterpreteds a

phallic ymbol nd

f,

n

fact,

the

sculpture s

a

whole

s

to

be considered s a feminine

ntity,ts




9/21

Death n

Mexican

olkCulture

523

Figure

:

The

goddessCoatlicue

"she

with

he

kirt

made of

snakes").

Aztec

Period

(1325-1521

A.D.).

Museo

Nacional

de

Anthropologia.




10/21

524

A

merican

Quarterly

synthetic

haracter

would not be

complete

without

n allusion to

the

masculine orces

hat

hapenature.

The second

part

of the

body,formed

y

a

skirt

f snakes which

ives

ts

name to the image, represents mundane evel of existence,whilethe

breasts,

decorated

with a necklace formed f human

hearts and

opened

hands,has been nterpreted

s

a reference o

sacrificial

eath.

n

this

par-

ticular rea of the

sculpture

we are once

again

made

conscious

of

death

by

the

presence

f

the

mpressive

alf-living

kull

which ecorates he

beltthat

separates

the

skirt from the

necklace.

As

mentioned

before,

human

sacrifice,

articularly

n

the

form f

the removalof the

heart,

s

one

of

the

distinctive

eatures f the Aztec

religion.

Hearts were

symbolized y

the

eagle and this n turnwas also one ofthesymbols f thedeified un,To-

natiuh. Thus, hearts and

blood,

the two

finest

possessions

of

mankind,

constituted he food that

preserved

he sun and

allowed

t

to

move

n

the

sky.

This dea is

clearly xpressed

n some of the

sacred

manuscripts

eft o

us

by

the

Aztecs:

And our ays

assed y,

nd he unwas

n

he

ky.

All

upon

he

arth

earedmid ternal

hadows.

Went he

awk o ask:

the ods

wish o

know he

easonwhy ou

on'tmove.

And he un nswered,

Do you

want

oknow

why?

I want

he lood

f

humans,

I wish

ohave heir

ons,

desire o

possess

heir

ffspring.

In

this

fashion,

eath

through

acrifice

was one

of

the

privileges

eserved

for

those destined for

higher

fates. Warriors

whose hearts

had been

removedn

order

to

provide

ifefor

the

sun

were

regarded

s

gods

and

ob-

tained xclusive onors hared

onlyby

two

otherkinds

fdead:

those

killed

inwar and womenwhohad diedin childbirth. his last belief s of a par-

ticular

nterest,

s

it

s

based

upon

the

dea

that

when

giving

irth

o a

child,

women

were transformed

nto

warriorswho

struggled

o

that a new

ife

could

begin.

When

dying

n

childbirth,hey

ecame

the

eerie

Cihuateteo

r

deifiedwomen

who

accompanied

he sun n ts

ourney hrough

he

heavens

(Figure3).

In

these

uccessive

evelsof

existence,

he breastof

Coatlicue

s

followed

in

the

upper

ection

y

the

forked nakewhich

epresents

uality

ncarnated

inunity. he head sthe ymbol f theOmeyocan "Two-Place"), theregion

where men and

gods alike had taken

shape and the source to

which

everything

ust

return.

hus in

a

final

onsideration,

oatlicue

becomes a

synthesis

f

the

many

dualities hat

form

heuniverse: he

mundane

nd

the

celestial,

femininity

nd

masculinity,

he

Omeyocan

and

the

Mictlan, ife

and death.

Even

though

the

grandiosity

f the

sculpture

an

hardly

be

comprehended

n

this

uperficial

escription,

t

remains

ne of the most m-




11/21

Death in

Mexican Folk Culture 525

Figure

: Stone cihuateteo"

deified

omanwhodied n

childbirth).

ztecPeriod

(1325-1521 .D.).

MuseoNacional e

Anthropologia.

pressivemanifestationsf man's attempt

o explain hecontradiction

f ife

and death

n

his surrounding orld.

Finally, t s necessary o remember he

Aztec poetry n

which he dea

of

death, specially eath n war, s continuously

lorified:

Where reyou ogo?Where reyou o

go?

Towar, othe ivine ater here ur

mothertzpapalotlives

olor

o

men.

In

the attlefield

ust iseswithinhewater

f

he onfire:

Theheart f heGodCamaxtle uffers,

hMacuilMalinalli

As a flower

s the

attle nd

you

hallhold

t n

your

ands.

(Cant.Mex.,

.70

r.,

in19 s. De

Tenochtitlan,

a.

1495)

Again,

n

a differentragment,heglory

f sacrifices remembered:

Oh Giver f

Life

Your acrifice

s ike

meraldsnd

urquoises.

It

s the appiness

nd

wealth

f

princes

To

die

t

the

dge

f he

bsidian,

To

die

n

war.

(Romances

e os Seiiores e Nueva

spaiia,

.

2)




12/21

526

A

merican

Quarterly

If we

have

restrictedurselves o

the

considerationna rather

uperficial

manner f

some of

the characteristics

f the

death deologies

n

the

history

of

ancient

Mexico,

it is mainlywith

the

purpose of

pointing ut the per-

manence fsometraits nd ingeneral hesenseofcontinuityfthe dea of

deathwithin

ontemporary

exican

folk ulture.

The

exquisite nd

awe-inspiringrtistic

work

described

was

destined

o

disappear as an

active

agent

in

the

official

istory

f

Mexico,

a

history

shaped after he

bloody

conquest

that

subjugated he native

peoples

to

a

position

of

degradation

nd

oppression.The victoriouswar

songs

were

followed

y dramatic

pilogues

n

which he

anguish

nd

despair

of the

n-

dians at the

ight

f

their wn

humiliation ecame manifest.

The polytheisticeligionswerereplacedbyChristianitynd the voiceof

the

indigenous

Mexican

was

dimmedforever.

ts

former

ower

was

lost,

but

a murmur

was

to

remain.

he

cultural ollision

ame

accompanied

y

a

process of ethnic

ntermeshingommonlyknown s

"mestizaje" and the

three

hundredyears which

followed,

haracterized y

political,

conomic

and

social

colonialism,represent

slow

and

painful

fusionof

different

cosmic visions and

ways

of

behavior,

ome

belonging

o the

European

tradition nd some

which ad

already xisted n the

prehispanic orld.

Withoutdoubt, the Christiantraditionhas left Mexico a priceless

collectionof artistic

nd literary

estimonieswhich

document ts

own

in-

terpretationf death.

But

thefusion f the

European

cultural atternswith

the pre-existing

exican beliefs

ffers third nd

perfectly

ndividualized

complex

of

practices nd ideas.

This

process of

religious usion s

probably

the

most

distinctive

eature f

contemporary exican folk

radition.

However,

n

a

highly tratified

ountry uch

as

Mexico

generalizations

are dangerous.

Even

theterm folk

culture" s difficulto

define.

n

a broad

sense,

and

for he

purposes

f this

ssay, folk ulture

an be

understood

s

theunification f thosetraditional orms fbehaviorwhich re sharedby

the

majority

f

the members f

the

underprivileged

ocioeconomic trata.

As

is evident, uch

a definition

as

important

imitations.

First it is

necessary o

note that t

includes he

Indian

groupsthat nhabit

he terri-

tory, population f

about ten million

who have

scarcelybeen

touched

by

the dubious

privileges of

"civilization."

There are

many

important

differencesetween

he traditions f these

groups

and

those

shared

by

the

inhabitants f the

rural

provinces

which

have

a

constant ontact with he

urbancenters, ndbetween heseand themarginal reas of thecities. n a

rigorous

enseneithers it

feasible o

restricthedefinition

f folk

ulture o

the

socially

and

economicallyunderprivileged

roups,

n

view

of

the fact

that

many

f

thecustoms nd

beliefs

onsidered

s

folkloric

re also shared

to

a

lesser

degreeby

members

f

the middle nd

upperclasses

of

Mexico.

Thereare,

however,mportant

ariations

n

meaning.




13/21

Death inMexican Folk Culture

527

Such differencesre closely inked

with process

ofdesacralization fthe

traditionsnvolved.We might herefore

uggest

he hypothesis hat an im-

portantprocess

of secularization

xists n the transit f customs

related

with death from the way in which they are conceived in the more

autochthonous

roups where

hey annotbe understood utside he

frame-

workof religionnd magic) to

the way n which

hey re comprehendedn

an urban atmosphere

f differentocial groups as

colorful

ustoms

whose

original eligious

r

magical ignificance

s

no

ongermeaningful

r has

been

forgotten).

It is difficulto choose from

mong the many

raditions elated

with

he

idea of death

those whichrepresent

most clearlythe typical onceptions

thatprevailnMexico. Ithas often een aid that n this ountry eopledeal

with eath sacrilegiously, ocking

t as

if

t were

omething hich eserved

to be treated

withhumor.Whether

hisview s accurate or exaggerated,

t

seems clear

thatdeath s

often hemain

protagonist

n

many

f

thefolkloric

festivities. mong

these

none re as wellknown

r as

impressive

s thecele-

brations hat take place

in

commemoration

f

All Souls'

Day:

the

day

of

thedead.

In

Mexico

this date

is

surrounded y

a

variety

f

activitieswhich

begin

withthe preparation f specifickindsof food:one ofthese,"calabaza en

tacha," is a

preservemade by combining mall

pieces of pumpkin

with

sticks of sugarcane,

haws,

aromatic

spices

and a

peculiar

brown

sugar

called "piloncillo."

There s also the so-called"pan

de muerto"

r

bread

of

the dead consisting

f

oaves prepared

withwheat

flour nddecorated

with

stylized

bones and tears

of

the

same

dough.

To

these

are added

a

remarkable

ariety

f

meals

spiced

with

hili

nd

vegetables ypical

f

each

region,placed

in

bowls and dishes

made

of

black

ceramic as

a

sign

of

mourning.

mong the special sweetswhich re

producedonly

for

this

oc-

casion are the famous "calaveras de azdcar," an amazingensembleof

human kulls

of all

sizes and shapes,

made

n

sugar,

ecorated

with olorful

paper

and labeled

with n assortment

f names. When

ooking

t

them

n

the showcases

of the sweet

shops

one

cannot

help recalling

he ancient

Aztec tzompantlis, pecial stone

tructures

here

he kulls f the

men

who

had died

in

sacrificewere exhibited.

n our times

t is an

All

Souls'

Day

custom to

purchase

one

of

these sugar sculptures

abeled

with

he name

of

the

buyer

r with he name

of

a

friend;

hese are

then

given

s

gifts

o

be

eaten,an act thatoften uzzlesthosewho are notacquaintedwith ncient

Mexican

traditions.

But

the

preparation

f food is

only

a

preliminaryctivity

or the most

typical

f

Mexican customs: hefabrication

nd

decoration f

family

ltars

where

he

dead

are

honored.These altars

or "ofrendas"

for

All Souls'

Day

consist of tables

or shelves

on which the

pictures

of dead relatives re




14/21

528 A mericanQuarterly

placed, surrounded by garlands

of

zempazuchitl

flowers,the yellow

blossoms which inceprehispanic imeshave accompanied he festivitiesf

the dead.

At the feetof these

mages

the food s

carefully rranged, ften

side by sidewith lcoholicbeverages.The table itselfs spread withpaper

mats resembling

colorful nd dramatic

mosaic.

The practice f honoring

the dead at home is complemented

with

the tradition

f

going

to

the

cemeteries

o

spend

the

night

fter he

graves

have been

decorated

with he

yellow flowers, andles

and dishes. The

atmosphere

s one of

great

solemnity

while the

murmur f

prayers

offered

y

those

waiting

for

the

coming

of the beloved dead

float

up

to the

evening ky.

The

following

morning hevigilantswalk awaywith he food,which

s

then

o be

eaten by

their amilies.

It is worthreflectingpon the significancefthispreparing f food for

thedead that fterwards eaten bythe iving,

s it ndicates hat

for

he

par-

ticipants

n

this tradition, xistence

evolves

on two different

evels:

one

natural nd theother upernatural. verything

hat

xists hares

n

both s-

pects: one essential,

he other

ransitory.

s thedead

belong

o the

former,

it

is the essence

of

the food

which

heydigest,

while

he

iving enefitnly

fromthe material substance. Thus

the

widespread

notionthat the

food,

afterbeing ffered o the dead,is "flavorless," hat s,without heessence,

whichhas been taken by the dead. These

same customs

suggest nother

conclusion: hat

of

the

dea

of

thedead as members

f a

group

ofwhich

hey

never ntirely ease

to

be

a

part.

It is not

necessary

o

point

out the simi-

larities of these traditions nd the prehispanic

ulturalpatterns lready

evident

n

the archaeologicalfindings

o which

we

have

previously

made

reference.

n

both here eems

to exist

he ssumption

hat hedead and the

living

must

satisfy

similar needs even

if

the

formernow

belong

to

a

supernaturaltage

of

existence.

The above practicesare found hroughoutMexico, in smallvillagesas

well as

in

the cities.There are other raditions,

owever,which re less well

known,

uch as those

typical

of the Huichol

tribes, iving

cattered

nd

isolated

in

the

mountains f the states

of

Jalisco, Nayarit

and

Sinaloa.

These are indigenous roups hathave had very ittle ontact

with

hecities

and

therefore

reserve,

lmost

untouched,

heir

prehispanic

raditions.

They are known to anthropologists

or

their annual processions

to the

sacred

and

of

Viricota,

n

the

state

of

San Luis Potosi

forthe

purpose

of

collectingpeyoteor "jicuri," theholyweedwhich n theirmythologys

identified

ith

Kauyumarie,

he

deer,

with

he

sun

Taoyopa,

and

with

ire,

all ofwhich

heyworship.

The Huicholes

believe

that

every

human being

has a soul

or

kupuri

residing

n

the upper part

of the

head.

When the

person dies,

the

kupuri

leaves the body

n

the

form f a small cloud or

whirlwind. ive

days

after




15/21

Death in Mexican

Folk Culture

529

theperson

has died,

a

ceremony

akes

place

in which

he

marakamd,

hat s,

the shaman

of

the

group,

aptures

the

soul

in the

shape

of a small shining

insectby

shooting rrows

at it.

According

o

this

tradition, he soul

does

notwish o be caught,butas the marakamd xerts normous ffortocon-

vince t,

t eventually

greesto return

n order o bid farewell

o itsrelatives

who have brought ifts

nd offerings

or

he

occasion.

As the

kupiiri

s cap-

tured, veryone

reets

t, and

farewells

re

exchanged

mid

tears

until he

shamanonce again

frees t.

In

the

five ays

that

lapse

between

he

death

of

the

person

nd

thereturn

of

the

kupuri,

he soul

has to

engage

n a

variety

f

dangerous

dventures

n

order

o

purge

tself

f the sinscommitted

uring

ts

ifetime,

nd

finally

t

deposits hem t thefootofthe ancestral ree.Only fterwardan itreturn

to earth o see

ts relatives or

he ast

time. n its

ourney

he

oul manifests

itself

n the form

f a skeleton,

while he marakam6

himself

mustaccom-

pany

he

pirit

n

order

o reconstruct

very

ne of the

pisodes

of ts mortal

life.

After hefinal eparture f

thekuputri,

ive

ears

must

pass

before, c-

cording

o

custom,

t

can

reappear

n the form f

fragmented

ock

crystal,

regarded

hereafter

s a

repository

f

wisdom

Figure4).

ICE

Figure

: Huichol

nearika"

yarn

ndbeeswax n wood) howing

"marakame"

attempting

o rescue

he oul of

a dead man.

Stateof Jalisco,Mexico. nstituto

Nacional

ndigenista.




16/21

530 A

merican

Quarterly

Besidesthe

celebrations

n commemoration

f All

Souls'

Day, there s

another

ate

n

the

religious

alendar

when he dea of

death

manifeststself

with reatdramatic

force.

This s during he

rituals eld

forHoly Week,the

most important art of theyear fordevoutpeople, a periodof remem-

branceof

the

sacrifice f Jesusfor he

salvation

f mankind. n

most parts

of

Mexico

these

eremonies lso

demonstrate he

prototypal yncretism e

have

observed

n

the

prehispanic

nd

European raditions.

Easter Week

s

preceded

by

the

forty ays

of

Lent,

reserved

or

usterity,

abstinence nd

meditation,

nd

culminates n a

variety

f

processions

f

masked

penitents

ho,

wearing

rowns f

thorns,whip

heir

odies n

order

to

obtain

bsolution or heir ins.

These

practices,

triking

or heir

athos,

seemto manyobservers o be theremnants fsuperstitionndignorance.

Rather

than

gnorance,

owever,

uch

traditions

merely

eflect

distinctive

way

of

perceiving he world s a cosmic

experience

ccording

o

which

he

humancreature

accepts

the

validity

f

penitence,

umiliation

nd

degra-

dation

of

the

body

as

a

means of

obtaining

more

permanent ift

f

mercy

grantedby the

majesty

of

God.

It is

not difficult

o understand he

im-

portance

nd

the

purpose

f a

promise

f

salvation o a

people

permanently

oppressed y

the

orrow nd

misery

f their

aily

xistence.

ThroughoutMexico thecommemoration fthesacrifice fChrist s ac-

companied

by

theatrical

epresentations

n

which

biblical

episodes

are

re-

enacted.

In

places

such as

Ixtapalapa

in

Mexico

City,

the

crucifixion

f

Jesus-played by

a

young

penitent,

n

top

of Cerro de la

Estrella,

an

old

shrine n

existence ven

before

he

Spanishculture rrived

n

Mexico-is

one

of

the most

mpressive

eligious

pisodes

of

the

year.

Such

theatrical

ceremonies nvolve he

participation

f as

many

as

fifty

housand

people

who

gather

o

observe he

procession

f "The Three

Falls" and the

Passion

of Christ.

Few

observersfail to

be moved

by

this

scene,

as

among

the

millinghousands ark-skinnedenturions nhorseback ttempt ocontrol

the mobs

while

groups

of

barefoot

enitents

ressed

n

purple

nd

wearing

crowns f thorns

arry

heir

eavy

rosses.

Similar,

but

with

distinctive eatures f

their

wn,

are the

celebrations

that

take

place

among

the

Cora tribes f the mountainsn the

state of

Na-

yarit.

The small

village

of Jesus Maria

has

for

the

Cora Indians much

the

same function

nd

meaning

s

did

that of the

ceremonial enter

n

the

prehispanic

world.Here

the

tribespeople ather

during

he

year

on several

occasionsmarkedfortheir eligious ignificance.f all thefestivitieshat

are

held

here,

none

s

as

memorable

s the

celebration f

Holy

Week-a

celebration

o

complex

and

multifaceted

hat

only

certain of its

more

solemn

nd

momentous

spects

can

be treated

ere.

What

distinguishes

his

holiday

most

strikingly

rom others s the

presence

of a

group

of men

known s "demonios" or

"judios"

whose

purpose

s

the

killing

f

Christ.




17/21

Death in Mexican Folk

Culture

531

From themomenton Ash Wednesdaywhenthey

re whippedby a long

rope symbolizingheevil forces f a snake,their

urpose s thedestruction

of Christ.

Consequently hey epresentvil,whileJesus

ncarnates ll that

s

good and pure n the cosmos. The spirit f the festival s captured n the

ritualhunting f

Jesuswhich akes place on Good

Friday.This performance

reproduces tep by

step thehunting f thedeer,a commonpractice mong

the members f

the group,and can be easily

recognized s a remnant f

ancient

magiccustoms

n which

he

hunting as

to

be simulated

n

order o

assure

the killing f

the animal

n

reality.Many

similar xamples re found

in other ountries

nd n differentras. What s remarkable bout thispar-

ticular ritualhunting s the fact that it penetrates

he celebration f the

sacrifice f Christ n such a way thathis death s notconsidered factuntil

he is pursued s a

deer. Further, mongthe Cora

Jesusdoes notdie on one

single ccasion but

rather t least threedifferent

imes,forhe is identified

with ther

pre-existingeities: hefire, hesun and thedeer, ll of whomdie

with imon this

olemn ccasion.

While mphasis

s generally laced upon the deaofthedeathofChrist n

the folk traditions f

Mexico,

his

Resurrection

s

almost forgotten. his

seems peculiar n view

of

the

orthodoxCatholic beliefs ccording o

which

the death of Christ

gains

full

meaning nly

withhis

Resurrection.

Once

again

we

must ook for the explanation f the

importance laced on the

death of Christ in

popular

custom

by

examining

he

culture's autoch-

thonous

oots.

The apparent

pessimism f these celebrations

mustbe considered long

with he mpressive eligious mages that

ccompany hem.

The varied

nd

silent

processions

arried

out as acts of penance

would

not be complete

without he

presenceof many wooden sculptureswhichrecreate he mo-

ments

of agony,

resignation

nd

misery

hat

characterize

he

passion

of

Christ.Noted for heir athosandexpressionisticealism, hey emain ne

of the

most distinctive lementsof Mexican tradition

nd

give

clear

in-

dication nce

again

of

the

continuing itality

f

prehispanic

ulture

n which

bloody

acrifice nd

agonizing enitence

were ommon.

It

is

evident,

hen,

hat

death

s

a

permanent

oncern, daily presence,

especially

n

a

country

ike Mexico

in which

problems

ranging

rom he

difficulty

f

providing

medical

services

o the

persistence

f

gnorance

nd

oppression

ccentuate

ts

meaning.

The death of

an

individual,

o matter

howpoor, s always ccompanied yelaboratefamilyraditions. s in other

areas of

social

behavior, igilsrepresent

moment

when ocial

solidarity

becomes

manifest,

nd

often

hey

are transformed

nto

parties

n which

food and

alcoholic

beverages

low

reely.

n

many

parts

of

Mexico

it

s

the

custom to wash the

dead

body

with water which

s

later

used

in

the

preparation

f

the meal.

This meal

is eaten with

he

purpose

of

helping

he




18/21

532

American

Quarterly

dead

remove heburden

f his sins:

"ayudar al muertito

on

sus

pecados."

This

burdenremains

matter f concern

for

the members f

the

family,

while t the

same

time thedeceased

continues o be

regarded s

an

active

participantnthegroup.

In

thecase

of the

dead

being young

hild,

here re

variationswhich

e-

serve

mention. he

burial f a child s

rarely ccompanied

y

expressions

f

pain

or

sadness.On the

contrary,

heremustbe

oy

and

happiness

n view

f

the fact

that

the child,not

having

inned,

will

mmediatelyoin

God. What

better ate

could await a human?

Certainly

ot

a life

full

f

poverty,

misery

and deprivation. child

when

dying ecomes

an

important

rotector

f

his

family,

miniature

aint

who

carriestheir

etitions

irectly

o

God.

When

buried, hildren re thereforeonsidered s little ngels,"angelitos,"and

thusthey re

attired

n

robessimilar o those seen on the

mages

of

saints.

In

this

case, as well as in

the

case of

adults,processions

scorting

hedead

to the

graveyard re

accompanied

y

music.

Obviously, hen,funerals

re

in

themselves matter

f

great

aesthetic

and

cultural

nterest. he

great

archaeologistMiguel

Covarrubiashas

left

us

an invaluable

testimony

f such an

occasion

that

clearly

llustrates

custom

that,with

variations,

an be found

verywhere

n

Mexico,

and

that

deserves uoting t length.Referringo thefuneral fan old womanfrom

Tehuantepec n

the tateof

Oaxaca,

Covarrubiaswrites:

When

hewoman

nterednto he

eath

gony,

ll

closerelatives

ere

resent

and

a

prayer xpert

ad been

entfor.

The

deep

sigh

hat

scaped

her

was re-

garded s a

sign

hat he

oul

had

eft er

body.

A

violent eaction

hook

he

members

fthe

household,

trangely

alm

ndcollected

efore,

articularly

he

women, er

aughtersnd

isters,

ho

ave

ent o

wild utbursts

f

despair nd

screams.... Soon the

neighborsnd distant

elatives

ame

to

the house

to

embrace

nd

ympathize

ith

he

mourners,

s well

s

to

deposit

heir

lms....Thecorpsewas then ressednherbest lothes, . . andherhairwascarefully

combed

ndthen

laced,

ot n

a

bed

or

mat,

ut n the

are

ground

n

front

f

the

house

ltar,

ts

head

resting

n

a

little

illow

laced ver wo

bricks.

t

was

provided

ith

our

andles

f

pure

eeswax ndwith

ases f

uberoses,s

well s

with

n

incense

razier.

A

male

prayer-expert

rezador)knelt

n

front

f

the

corpse

o

pray,

lternately

ensing

he

aint's ltar nd the

body.

A

litany as

recited

nd

he

women

hanted....

As

therewas

enough

money

vailable, he

wake

proceeded

hroughouthe

night,

nd

verybodyame

o

help.

A

tablewas etfor

he

lders nd he

ompany

was served offee, read,mezcal a kindof liqueur) nd cigarettes.When

everything

as

ready,

he

uneral

rocession

tarted

or

he

emetery

n

the ool

of

the

ate

fternoon,receded

y brass

and

layingad or

farewell

usic....

The

procession

marched

hrough

he principal

treets,

he coffin

lanked y

solemn

men

n

their

undaylothes,he

lders

n

redfelt nd

ilver-braidedats.

Immediatelyehind

ollowedhe

husband

nd

sisters nd

daughtersf

theold




19/21


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Muerte Enel Folk l or Mexicano

Documents

Transcript of Muerte Enel Folk l or Mexicano