Baños de Agua Santa, Ecuador 2018...

Baños de Agua Santa, Ecuador

2018

Programa

Amazonicas VII General schedule / Horario general

Local / Venue: Salón de la Ciudad, Gobierno Autónomo Municipal de Baños de Agua Santa. At the corner of / Esquina de: Vicente Rocafuerte y Thomas Halflants (se entra por / entrance from calle Rocafuerte St.) segunda/lunes 28/5 terça/martes 29/5 quarta/miércoles 30/5 quinta/jueves 31/5 sexta/viernes 1/6 Morfosintaxis Fonología Arte verbal Piedemonte 09:00 – 09:30 Registration Cáceres & Gildea Chacon, Gordon & Timo Storto Rice 09:30 – 10:00 Inauguration Salles Zariquiey & Michael Grzech & Schwarz Floyd & Ennis 10:00 – 10:30 Café/Inscripción Café Café Café Café 10:30 – 11:00 Bardagil-Mas Peña & Silva Vallejos & Koops Epps, Lolli & Ramos Muysken 11:00 – 11:30 Arregui, Rivero &

Salanova Díaz Montenegro Stewart & Bruil Messineo Valenzuela

11:30 – 12:00 Van Gysel Kees Hengeveld Leo Wetzels Michael Uzendoski van der Auwera & Krasnoukhova

12:00 – 12:30 Tacconi & Messineo Krasnoukhova & van der Auwera

12:30 – 14:00 Lunch Lunch/Posters Lunch/Posters Lunch/Posters Lunch 14:00 – 14:30 Birchall & van der

Voort Michael Lemus Serrano Stenzel & Williams Overall

14:30 – 15:00 Moreira Gomes O'Hagan Eraso Neiva Praça & da Cruz

Rybka

15:00 – 15:30 Galúcio Sabogal Bertet Magalhães & Garcia General assembly Voting 15:30 – 16:00 Singerman Café/Posters Café/Posters Café/Posters

16:00 – 16:30 Café 16:30 – 17:00 Bittar Couto Nikulin Zariquiey & Prieto 17:00 – 17:30 da Cruz Soares de Oliveira

& Valenzuela Farmer, Davenport,

Miller, Norfleet, Peredo, Siegman & Sierra

Peña

17:30 – 18:00 Neiva Praça Neely Epps Franchetto 18:00 – 19:00 Reception / Brindis General assembly

Proposals

19:00 – 3:00 Conference dinner

PROGRAMA DE AMAZONICAS VII

TIEMPO Y ASPECT (SIMPOSIO DE MORFOSINTAXIS)

Ponente invitado: Kees Hengeveld

Arregui, Rivero & Salanova On Mẽbengokre futures: temporal and modal dimensions

Bardagil-Mas Reanalyzing aspectual inflection in Panará verbs

Birchall & van der Voort The development of tense remoteness in Aikanã grammar

Bittar Grammaticalization of abilitative ‘know’ in Tupi-Guarani languages

Cáceres & Gildea A first analysis of Tense-Aspect constructions in Yawarana (Cariban)

Couto Aspectos Habitual e Prospectivo no Saynáwa (Pano): Tempo e Negação

da Cruz The emergence of aspectual system from grammaticalization of nouns – a case study on Nheengatú

Díaz Montenegro La expresión de las categorías de aspecto y tiempo en nasa yuwe

Galucio Tense, aspect, and modality interaction in Mekens

Michael Hacia una teoría de direccionales como aspectos espaciales

Moreira Gomes Aspecto gramatical e suas implicações para marcação pessoal no verbo e alinhamento em Mundurukú

(Tupí)

Neely Temporal categories in Yaminawa morphology

O'Hagan Perfective Aspect as Specificity in Caquinte

Oliveira & Valenzuela Degrees of Temporal Remoteness in Panoan: Contributions to the Typology of Tense

Praça A natureza das noções de tempo e a categoria de aspecto em Apyãwa

Sabogal El Aspecto en el Wayúunaiki

Salles Pirahã’s verbal morphology - towards a reassessment

Silva & Peña La interacción entre aspecto, modo, evidencialidad y su interpretación temporal en urarina

Singerman The expression of tense in Tuparí, a Tupían language of the Brazilian Amazon

Tacconi & Messineo Los demostrativos y el señalamiento del tiempo en maká (familia mataguaya)

Van Gysel Enlhet-Enenlhet Nominal Temporal Reference in an Areal Perspective

Pósteres aceptados:

Finbow A historical overview of the emergence of su as a prospective aspect/future tense auxiliary in Rio Negro

Nheengatu

Gildea Which nominalizations become which T-A values?

Gonzales Castaño Expresión del aspecto a través de postura asociada y movimiento asociado en namtrik (familia barbacoa

suroccidente colombiano)


Moore Tense and Aspect in Gavião of Rondônia

Souza Nogueira Morfemas de aspecto e a distinção entre nominalização e oração subordinada em Wayoro (Tupí)

Storto Semantic and Syntactic Properties of Aspect in Dâw (Nadehup Family)

Vlcek & Cezario Aspecto vs. tempo em evidenciais de duas línguas da família Tukano Oriental pouco descritas: Wa'ikhana

e Tuyuka

ACENTO, TONO, Y ENTONCACIÓN (SIMPOSIO DE FONOLOGÍA)

Ponente invitado: Leo Wetzels

Bertet The nine tonemes of Ticuna, an Amazonian oddity

Chacon, Gordon & Timo The Phonology of Stress and Tone in Kubeo

Epps Tonogenesis in the Naduhupan family

Eraso Keller Silaba epentética en tanimuka

Farmer, Davenport, Miller, Norfleet,

Peredo, Siegman & Sierra

A Proposal for Proto-Tukanoan Stress

Lemus Serrano Verbal Prosody in Yukuna

Nikulin The prosody–morphology interface in Migueleño Chiquitano

Stewart & Bruil Toward a description of Intonation Patterns in Ecuadorian Siona

Vallejos & Koops Word-level prosody in Kukama-Kukamiria: The interplay of stress and vowel reduction

Zariquiey & Michael Tono y acento en Kakataibo

ARTE VERBAL (SIMPOSIO DE LENGUA Y SOCIEDAD)

Ponente invitado: Michael Uzendoski

Epps, Lolli & Ramos Naduhup shamanic incantation: A comparative perspective

Franchetto When Kuikuro women sing Tolo: Poetry in a network of verbal arts between the worlds of humans and

hyper-beings

Grzech & Schwarz Poetics meets software: issues with machine translation of Napo Runa wedding songs


Magalhães & Garcia A categorização das referências na língua Guajá e na “língua” dos Karawara

Messineo Lengua, emoción y relaciones sociales: el arte de aconsejar y pedir entre los toba –qom de la región del Gran

Chaco

Peña The metrical structure of Jivaroan Nampet ‘Drinking songs’

Praça Aspectos formais e narrativos da mitologia Apyãwa

Stenzel & Williams The Art of Responding in Wa’ikhana

Storto Verbal Art in a Karitiana Ritual Narrative

Zariquiey & Prieto Préstamos shipibo-konibo en los cantos tradicionales kakataibo: léxico, morfosintaxis y estrategias de

composición


Beiras del Carril, Cúneo &

Rosario Haddad

“Mezclando el aborigen con el hip-hop”. El rap originario como género emergente entre los jóvenes qom en

Buenos Aires

Bonilla Simbolismo sonoro en la lengua y cantar sikuani

Echeverri La conjuración de la Madre: Traducción y géneros verbales en murui-muina (uitoto)

Grzech, Andy, Chimbo &

Aguinda

Sound-symbolism in narratives: On ideophones and other expressive strategies in Amazonian Kichwa

Nuckolls & Swanson Arts of Love, Sadness, and Empathy in Amazonian Ecuador

Oquendo El tejido como estructura narrativa del relato indígena wayuunaiki

Packer Kàjre jarkwa: um mito cantado pelos Krahô

Reiter Multimodal discourse in a multilingual setting: Conclusions drawn from the interplay of language, gesture

and ideophones in the Upper Xingu culture area

LENGUAS DEL PIEDEMONTE CENTROANDINO (SIMPOSIO DE FAMILIAS Y ÁREAS LINGÜÍSTICAS)

van der Auwera &

Krasnoukhova

Towards an explanation of postverbal negative ma in the languages of the Andean foothills

Floyd & Ennis La historia compartida andina y amazónica del kichwa hablado en Ecuador

Krasnoukhova & van der

Auwera

Kaleidoscope of negation marking in the languages of the Eastern foothills: Towards some patterns and

their explanations

Muysken Substrate influence in Northern Quechua languages

Overall Mythology, Missionaries, and the languages of the Marañón River Basin


Rice An evaluation of discourse organization theory in Pastaza Kichwa switch-reference

Rybka Functionality as a determinant of the lexical outcomes of language contact: a study of fire fans in

northeastern Amazonia and Andean lowlands

Valenzuela Hacia una subárea lingüística intermedia Andes-Amazonia en el piedemonte oriental norperuano y sur-

ecuatoriano


Bolaños & Palacio Tiningua

Pabon Algunos casos de nominalización como estrategia de subordinación en namtik de Totoró, Cauca, Colombia

Baños de Agua Santa, Ecuador

2018

Resúmenes / Resumos / Abstracts

On Mẽbengokre futures: temporal and modal dimensions

1. Introduction. This paper investigates the relation between temporal, modal and aspectual

dimensions in Mẽbengokre. As illustrated by (1), temporal, modal and aspectual notions are

expressed in Mẽbengokre by optional left-peripheral particles in two distinct positions (a), (b),

or by post-verbal elements (c). The first of these positions, in particular, encodes a temporal

contrast between a non-future nẽ and a future dja, as exemplified in (2) (These sentences are

not neutral in information structure terms. The phrase to the left of the temporal particle

receives a contrastive focus interpretation that we ignore here for expository purposes.)

2. The puzzle. This temporal contrast is both robust and pervasive in the language, and yet it is

clear that temporality is only one part of the meaning of the future dja. In examples that receive

a reading temporally oriented towards the speech time, dja can give rise to an

inferential/epistemic interpretation (illustrated by (3) with an adverbial example: (3) reports an

inference regarding the proposition that Kajtire has already arrived to his house at the speech

time). The interpretation of dja depends on aspectual categories in a manner that likely mirrors

the interaction between nonfuture nẽ and the aspectual class of the main predicate. With nẽ,stative predicates tend to be interpreted as present in the absence of other aspectual marks,

whereas dynamic predicates are interpreted as past in similar conditions; with the future dja,

stative predicates favor the modal interpretation, whereas dynamic predicates favor a temporal

interpretation (in the absence of explicit aspectual marking). The modal flavor attributed to djais in line with proposals for two closely related languages in which the contrast between 'future'

and 'past' has been characterized in terms of mood (realis vs. irrealis) (Oliveira 2005 on

Apinayé, Nonato 2013 on Kĩsêdjê). The epistemic modal reading of 'future' morphology is

also found in unrelated languages (e.g. Spanish, cf. (4)), but is not universal (e.g. is absent in

Navajo, cf. (5)).

3. Proposal. We explore a proposal that characterizes dja as a modal marker without temporal

orientation and propose that the temporal anchoring of the eventuality depends on other

elements in the clause (e.g. aspectual markers, adverbs). This is in line with recent proposals

that have claimed that 'future' morphology lacks a temporal interpretation (e.g. Matthewson

2012 for Gitksan, Broekhuis and Verkuyl 2014 for German and Dutch, Giannakidou and Mari

2017 on Greek and Italian, Kush 2015 on Hindi). The inferential reading of dja is, in this

account, dealt with modally in terms of quantification over circumstances compatible with the

knowledge/evidence available to the speaker. The temporal reading is treated in terms of

quantification over possibilities that match actuality in the past, but may differ in the future

(e.g. Condoravdi 2001, Kaufmann 2005).

4. Interaction with evidential we. Interactions with other evidentials show that dja in

examples like (3) is indeed functioning as an evidential/epistemic marker. Take, for instance,

the hearsay evidential we, used in all statements based on second-hand information. Though it

is possible to have both dja and we in the same sentence, the former will only get its non-

evidential future interpretation in those cases. As illustrated by (6), it is impossible to combine

conjectural evidentiality with inferential or hearsay evidentiality in a single clause.

5. Summary. This talk characterizes the epistemic meaning of dja and explores its functioning

within the evidential and temporal system of Mẽbengokre. The Mẽbengokre pattern constitutes

one instance of a cross-linguistically common pattern of organization of evidential distinctions

into a morphologically nonhomogeneous paradigm, namely one where inferentials differ from

other evidentials and pattern with tense. We explore the consequences of our analysis of

Mẽbengokre for understanding evidentials in other languages exhibiting this pattern.

Ana Arregui (University of Ottawa), María Luisa Rivero (University of Ottawa), Andrés Pablo Salanova (University of Ottawa)

(a) (b) (c)

(1) Karinhô nẽ ba arỳm akôr onhỹ.tobacco NFUT 1NOM already 3.blow.N sit.V

‘I am smoking some tobacco.’

(2) a. Kajtire nẽ bôx.

Kajtire NFUT arrive.V

‘Kajtire arrived.’

b. Kajtire dja bôx.

Kajtire FUT arrive.V

‘Kajtire will arrive.’

(3) Kajtire dja arỳm ũrũkwã kam bôx.

Kajtire DJA already 3.house in arrive

‘Kajtire [should have] already arrived at his house.’

(4) Habrá llegado a casa.

Will.have arrived to house

‘S/he has likely arrived home./ She must have arrived home' (Rivero 2014)

(5) Context: You know Ted is always in the library at this time. I ask where Ted is, you

reply:

# Ted naaltsoos bá hoghan góne k'ad sidáa dooleel.

Ted book 3OBJ.for house inside now 3SUBJ.sit.IMPF FUT

Intended: Ted will be at the library now. (Bogal-Allbritten 2016)

(6) Kajtire dja we bôx.

Kajtire FUT HEAR arrive.V

‘Kajtire will arrive, it is said.’

not: ‘It is said that Kajtire should arrive.’

nor: ‘It should be the case that it is said that Kajtire arrives.’

References

Bogal-Allbritten, E. 2016, The semantics of the future in Navajo. ms.

Broekhuis, H. & H. Verkuyl, 2014, Binary tense and modality. Natural Language and Linguistic Theory, 32(3): 973–1009

Condoravdi, C. 2001. Temporal interpretation of modals: Modals for the present and for the

past. In The Construction of Meaning, pp 59-88. Stanford CA: CSLI.

Giannakidou, A. & A. Mari. 2017. A unified analysis of the future as epistemic modality: the

view from Greek and Italian. Natural Language and Linguistic Theory.

Kaufmann, S. 2005. Conditional truth and future reference. Journal of Semantics, 22(3): 231–

280.

Kush, D. 2015. Future reference and epistemic modality in Hindi. Journal of South Asian Linguistics, 7

Matthewson, L. 2012. On the (non-)future orientation of modals. In Proceedings of Sinn und Bedeutung 16.

Nonato, Rafael. 2014. Clause chaining, switch-reference, and coordination. PhD thesis, MIT.

de Oliveira, C. C. 2005. The language of the Apinajé people of Central Brazil. PhD thesis,

Oregon.

Rivero, M.L. 2014. Spanish Inferential and Mirative Futures and Conditionals: An evidential

gradable modal proposal. Lingua 151: 197-215.

Towards an explanation of postverbal negative ma in the languages of the Andean

foothills

Johan van der Auwera & Olga Krasnoukhova (University of Antwerp)

It has been observed that the morpheme ma is widely used for negation in South and Central America (Payne 1990:77, Campbell 2012:299, Aikhenvald 2012:71). Michael (2014) offers an in-depth account on the role of ma in the Arawak family. Nevertheless many questions remain open. Based on a large-scale comparative study on negative ma, this paper makes the following contribution:

The occurrence of ma in standard negation is (unexpectedly) sporadic in the Eastern part of South America, but is strongly present in the Western part. There, the syntactic position of ma shows a pattern which needs to be accounted for. A preverbal use of ma is dominant in Quechuan and Arawak languages (as well as further north in Mayan), and this accords well with the universal preference for preverbal negation (e.g. Dahl 1979, Dryer 1988, 2013). But in languages spoken in the Andean foothills, negative ma tends to be postverbal (e.g. Awa Pit, Panoan, Tacanan, Western Tucanoan).This use, in turn, reflects the strong (but unexplained) preference of South American languages for postverbal negation - independently of the negator they use (van der Auwera & Vossen 2016: 193; Vossen 2016: 318-321; Muysken et al. 2014: 306). Closer inspection of postverbal ma suggests threeprocesses. First, for Tacanan and Panoan, postverbal ma can be argued to derive frompostpositions (similar but not identical to Michael’s 2014 scenario for Arawak). Second, forWestern Tucanoan, postverbal ma suggests an areal effect. And third, for the languages withverb-embracing double negation (postverbal ma plus another preverbal negator), such asTacanan languages Araona and Tacana (Pitman 1980: 25, Ottaviano & Ottaviano 1967: 150,Guillaume 2016), and Panoan Matís (Ferreira 2001: 73-75), all evidence points to a JespersenCycle ‘in reverse’ (van der Auwera & Vossen 2016: 208; Vossen 2016: passim). In thisscenario, the original negator is postverbal and the strengthening happens in the preverbaldomain. A challenging case is Maropa, which deviates from the other Tacanan languages byhaving a preverbal negative ma (Guillaume 2009: 40, 2012: 216). Two hypotheses arediscussed: (i) preverbal ma results from a Jespersen Cycle in reverse with ma V ma doubling,(ii) preverbal ma is influenced by contact with a preverbal ma language (Quechua or Spanish).

References

Aikhenvald, Alexandra. 2012. The Languages of the Amazon. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Campbell, Lyle. 2012. Typological characteristics of South American indigenous languages. In

Lyle Campbell & Verónica Grondona (eds.), The indigenous languages of South America:

A comprehensive guide, 259-330. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter. Dahl, Östen. 1979. Typology of sentence negation. Linguistics 17: 79-106. Dryer, Matthew. 1988. Universals of negative position. In Michael Hammond, Edith Moravcsik

& Jessica Wirth (eds.) Studies in syntactic typology, 93–124. Amsterdam: Benjamins. Dryer, Matthew. 2013. Order of negative morpheme and verb. In Matthew Dryer & Martin

Haspelmath (eds.) The World Atlas of Language Structures Online. Leipzig: Max Planck Institute for Evolutionary Anthropology. (Available online at http://wals.info/chapter/143).

Ferreira, Rogéro Vicente. 2001. Língua Matis (Pano), aspectos descritivos da morfossintaxe. München, Lincom Europa.

Guillaume, Antoine. 2009. Hierarchical Agreement and Split Intransitivity in Reyesano. International Journal of American Linguistics 75(1): 29–48.

Guillaume, Antoine. 2012. Maropa (reyesano). In Mily Crevels & Pieter Muysken (eds.), Lenguas de Bolivia. Tomo II: Amazonía, 191–229. La Paz: Plural Editores.

Guillaume, Antoine. 2016. Negation in Tacana (Amazonian Bolivia): descriptive, typological and historical perspectives. Handout at the International conference Syntax of the World’s Languages VII, National Autonomous University of Mexico (UNAM). Mexico City, August 17-19, 2016.

Michael, Lev. 2014. A typological and comparative perspective on negation in Arawak languages. In Lev Michael & Tania Granadillo (eds.) Negation in Arawak languages, 241‐300. Leiden: Brill.

Muysken, Pieter, Harald Hammarström, Joshua Birchall, Swintha Danielsen, Love Eriksen, Ana Vilacy Galucio, Rik van Gijn, Simon van de Kerke, Vishnupraya Kolipakam, Olga Krasnoukhova, Neele Müller and Loretta O'Connor. 2014. The languages of South America: deep families, areal relationships, and language contact. In Loretta O’Connor and Pieter Muysken (eds.) The native languages of South America. Origins, Development,

Typology, 299–322. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Ottaviano, John & Ida Ottaviano. 1967. Tacana. Bolivian Indian grammars: I, 139–207.

(Summer Institute of Linguistics Publications in Linguistics and Related Fields 16). Norman: Summer Institute of Linguistics of the University of Oklahoma.

Payne, David L. 1990. Some widespread grammatical forms in South American languages. In Doris L. Payne (ed.) Amazonian linguistics: Studies in lowland South American languages, 75-87. Austin, Texas: University of Texas Press.

Pitman, Donald. 1980. Bosquejo de la gramatica araona. (Notas Lingüísticas de Bolivia 9). Riberalta, Bolivia: Instituto Lingüístico de Verano.

van der Auwera, Johan & Frens Vossen. 2016. Jespersen Cycles in the Mayan, Quechuan and Maipurean languages. In Elly Van Gelderen (ed.) Cyclical change continued, 189-218. [Linguistik Aktuell/Linguistics Today, 227]. Amsterdam: John Benjamins.

Vossen, Frens. 2016. Towards a typology of the Jespersen Cycles. Doctoral dissertation, University of Antwerp.

Reanalyzing aspectual inflection in Panará verbs

Bernat Bardagil-Mas (University of Groningen / UC Berkeley)

Introduction is talk discusses verbal inflection in Panará, a Northern Jê language spoken in central Brazil. Previous work on the language (Dourado , ) concluded that verbal roots presented an inflection system whereby bare roots alternated with an affix, -ri/ -ti. In this approach, that Dourado puts forward as an initial hypothesis, the bare root of the verb would encode imper-fective aspect, while the suffix would encode perfective (Dourado : ).

e novel data discussed in this talk strongly suggest that there is no aspect inflection whatsoever in Panará. Instead, Panará verbs have a three-way inflection: (a) matrix non-future, (b) future, (c) dependent.

Verbal forms As can be seen in the available data (), the identification of the suffixed verb form as an exponent of perfective tense is not consistent with the interpretation provided in translations or glosses. As an exponent of perfectivity, Panará verbal inflection appears to be highly idiosyncratic.

e actual role played by TAM inflectional categories in Panará has a direct relevance for the myrphosyntactic system of Panará. In Jê languages generally, the case marking alignment is accus-ative in clauses with a short form of the verb, and ergative case alignment is present exclusively in nominal environments (Salanova ), marked with a long form of the verb. Dependent clauses obligatorily take a long-form verb, and consequently the case marking alignment is ergative ().

However, unlike what reportedly happens in every other Jê language, the case marking of ar-guments in Panará in dependent clauses is identical to that of main clauses (). e absence of a morpologically active aspect category in Panará is therefore a crucial issue to understand both clause type and case marking in the language.

Panará verbal inflection As mentioned, Panará verbs have a two-way inflectional opposition: matrix vs. dependent () and future vs. non-future (). Not all verbs present all three forms, but in those that do their distribution is systematic. Some verbs have a longer form that is obligatory in future contexts, while the shorter form is restricted to non-future contexts.

e actual shape of the non-future and future verb forms appears to be rather sui generis: there is non-future sânpun and future sânpuri “see”, but we get an invariable pĩri “kill.” e consistent generalization is that the future form is the non-future form as theme plus some extra material, either a coda or a syllable.

It is argued that rather than aspect, the TAM category that is active in Panará is tense, with the future/non-future opposition. Finally, the hypothesis is explored that Panará verb forms expone a distinction between paratactic constructions (a) and hypotactic constructions (b).

() a. [ ] [ -ri] b. [ [ -ra]]

Conclusion Rather than reflecting a paradigmatic opposition based on aspectual exponence, Panaráverbal inflection is beer analyzed as exponing a partially overlapping exponence of clause type andtense. Evidence from case marking, TAM morphology and clause structure also support the hypo-thesis that all Panará clauses are finite.

Examples

() a. Panaráprẽ-merãwho-.

∅=.

re=.

∅=.

wayã-nimake-

pərikəcanoe.

‘Someone made a canoe.’ (Dourado : )b. prẽ

whohẽ

∅=.

ti=.

∅=.

wayã-∅make-

maya?this.

‘Who made this?’ (Dourado : )

() a. Mẽbêngôkre*[Ba.

tepfish

krẽeat.

] kêt.

‘I didn’t eat fish.’ (el)b. *[Ije

.tepfish

krẽeat.

] kêt.

‘I didn’t eat fish.’ (el)c. [Ije

.(/*Ba)/.

tepfish

krẽneat.

] kêt.

‘I didn’t eat fish.’ (el)

() a. PanaráInkjẽ

hẽ

rê=.

∅=.

wajãrimake

issê.bow

‘I made a bow.’ (el)b. Ka

hẽ

ka=.

ra=.

pêê=

∅=.

pyritake

issêbow

inkjẽ

hẽ

rê=.

∅=.

wajãra.make

‘You stole from me the bow I made.’ (el)

() a. Jy=

∅=.

toofly

itswyn.bird

‘e bird flies.’ (el)b. * Jy=

∅=.

toojfly

itswyn.bird

‘e bird flies.’ (el)

c. PanaráKa=

ti=.

toojfly

itswyn.bird

‘e bird will fly.’ (el)d. *Ka=

ti=.

toofly

itswyn.bird

‘e bird will fly.’ (el)

ReferencesDourado, Luciana. . Aspectos morfossintáticos da língua panará (jê). Campinas: UniversidadeEstadual de Campinas PhD thesis.

Dourado, Luciana. . Ergatividade e transitividade em Panará. In Francesceixalós (ed.), Ergat-ividade na Amazônia II. Brasilia: UnB.

Salanova, Andrés. . Ergativity in Jê languages. In Jessica Coon, Diane Massam & Lisa Travis(eds.), Oxford Handbook of Ergativity. New York: Oxford University Press.

“Mezclando el aborigen con el hip-hop”

El rap originario como género emergente entre los jóvenes qom en Buenos Aires

Victoria Beiras del Carril, Paola Cúneo & María del Rosario Haddad (Universidad de Buenos

Aires)

El presente trabajo se centra en el “rap originario” como práctica comunicativa, artístico-musical y

cultural entre los jóvenes qom (o toba, Guaycurú, Gran Chaco) que viven en contextos urbanos en

Buenos Aires (Argentina). En un escenario de marcado desplazamiento de la lengua indígena y aun

cuando muchos jóvenes adquirieron el español como primera lengua, observamos que el rap

contribuye a (re)crear usos de la lengua vernácula y a (re)definir identidades étnicas.

En base al trabajo etnográfico y al análisis de un corpus de canciones y de material audiovisual (cf.

Haddad 2013), nos proponemos estudiar los aspectos lingüísticos, poéticos y musicales así como la

función social de este género que – ejecutado de manera bilingüe– permea elementos propios

del grupo social qom a la vez que comparte rasgos del movimiento del hip hop. El trabajo se

propone por lo tanto contribuir al estudio del arte verbal qom en nuevos contextos situados de uso.

Desde la perspectiva de la ejecución (performance) (Bauman 1975), se atenderá al uso de recursos

específicos, entre los cuales el cambio de código, la rima y el juego verbal bilingüe poseen un

rol relevante. La yuxtaposición de ambas lenguas funciona tanto con fines poéticos así

como ideológicos e identitarios, en tanto habilita y tensa las convenciones gramaticales y

fonológicas (Sherzer 2002). En este sentido, observaremos que el rap condensa el repertorio

lingüístico en lengua vernácula de esta generación y que permite repensar la noción de competencia

comunicativa entre estos jóvenes qom.

A su vez, desde el punto de vista musical, se observarán aspectos como el ritmo, la melodía y

los modos de cantar/rapear, en diálogo con la incorporación de elementos culturales indígenas como

el nvique (instrumento musical monocorde perteneciente al patrimonio musical qom). Por lo

tanto, entendemos el rap qom como práctica social creativa que genera y transforma

identidades y relaciones sociales, que indexicaliza –a través del cambio de código o de la

incorporación del nvique– formas particulares y dinámicas de autoadscripción étnica y que

contribuye a la recreación de usos de la lengua qom.

En contraste con una retórica que acentúa las tendencias de pérdida de la lengua vernácula en

contextos migratorios, adoptamos una mirada positiva sobre el contacto lingüístico y

hacemos hincapié en los efectos de continuidad y en la negociación activa de los hablantes –en

particular los jóvenes– como agentes en la persistencia de las lenguas amenazadas.

Referencias

Bauman, Richard. 1975. Verbal Art as Performance. American Anthropologist, 77 (2), 290-311.

Haddad, Rosario. 2013. Naponaxac (Encuentro). Cortometraje documental.

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=2mAWwEgH4a8.

Sherzer, Joel. 2010 [2002]. Speech Play and Verbal Art. Austin: University of Texas Press.

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=2mAWwEgH4a8

!

!

The nine tonemes of Ticuna, an Amazonian oddity

Ticuna is a language isolate spoken by an approximate 50,000 ethnic Ticunas in Western

Amazonia, across the borders of Peru, Colombia and Brazil. The language’s unusually rich toneme

inventory, consisting of 10 contrastive units in stressed syllables and 5 in unstressed syllables, makes it

exceptional from both a typological and an areal point of view.

Except for epenthetic syllables, each and every Ticuna syllable is lexically attached one toneme –

which in specific morphosyntactic contexts may automatically alternate with some other toneme. No

complex sandhi-like realization rules apply: each toneme, whether lexical or morphosyntactically

conditioned, is always realized as its corresponding tone in the syllable it belongs to. A relatively

straightforward phonological analysis of firsthand data from the San Martín de Amacayacu (SMA;

Colombia) variety collected in 2015-2017 yields the following toneme inventory:

Toneme inventory

in stressed syllables in unstressed syllables

36 pitch 5 pitch

52 — 4 —

34 — 3 —

43 — 1 —

33 — creaky voice phonation1

31 —

22 —

21 —

terminal creaky voice phonation1

initial creaky voice —

TABLE 1 | SMA Ticuna toneme inventory (N.B.: 6 = highest F0; 1 = lowest F0)

A comparably rich analysis probably holds for other Ticuna varieties, among others

Caballococha and Cushillococha (Peru) Ticuna (Anderson, 1959, 1962; Skilton, pers. com.). In

today’s SMA Ticuna at the very least, there seems to be no way to account for minimal pairs (such as

those presented in APPENDIX, TABLE 2) with a more economic toneme inventory (such as Montes,

1995’s pioneering three-toneme analysis based on SMA Ticuna data collected from 1984 onwards).

A tenfold tonological contrast in segmentally –or at least structurally– identical syllables is

typologically uncommon. A number of East and South East Asian languages (famously Cantonese)

are sometimes said to feature an inventory of 9 or more “tonemes”. In these languages however, all

“tonemes” are usually not compatible with the same syllabic structure, so that strictly speaking no 9-

or-more-fold tonological contrast may ever obtain (on Cantonese, see Bauer & Benedict, 1997). Kam,

a Tai-Kadai language, and possibly some Hmongic languages, are the sole probable exceptions I have

been able to find to this scheme so far (Tang, 2008:87; Yang & Edmondson, 2008:514). On the other

hand, depending on how they are analyzed, a number of languages from a few subgroups of the Oto-

Manguean family can be described as allowing such manyfold tonological contrasts in structurally

identical syllables (such as Palantla Chinantec and Xochistlahuaca Amuzgo; see

Merrifield & Edmondson, 1999, Bauernschmidt, 1965:473-474). Typological parallels between the

phonology of Ticuna and that of some Oto-Manguean languages are indeed striking.

But even more noticeable than Ticuna tonology’s typological oddity is its areal situation. Though

not in the rest of South America, tones are a common feature in the Western Amazon (Hyman, 2010),

which makes Ticuna being tonal little surprising. However, no South American language has been

described to date as having more than “two contrastive tone heights” (Hyman, 2010). Thus Ticuna, by

contrasting up to 10 tonemes in the same environment, is not only different, but highly different from

all other Amazonian languages as far as its tonology is concerned.

!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!1 Creaky-voiced “tonemes”, although they have a phonation trait as their major distinctive feature, pattern phonologically

with the other tonemes into a single contrasting phonational-tonological paradigm, phonetically heterogeneous but

functionally homogeneous. This is why I call them tonemes, which is what I call the units they immediately contrast with.

Denis Bertet (Université Lumière-Lyon 2, DDL research center)

!

!

APPENDIX !!!!!!!!!!!

!!

TABLE 2 | Sets of SMA Ticuna tonological minimal pairs (stressed monosyllables)

!!

REFERENCES

ANDERSON, L. (1959b), « Ticuna vowels with special regard to the system of five tonemes », Série Lingüística Especial, 1, p.76–119.

ANDERSON, D. (1962), Conversational Ticuna, ILV–Oklahoma University–Yarinacocha Press,

Peru.

BAUER, R. S. & BENEDICT, P. K. (1997), Modern Cantonese Phonology, Trends in Linguistics,

Studies and Monographs, 102, Mouton de Gruyter, Berlin–New York.

BAUERNSCHMIDT, A. (1965), « Amuzgo syllable dynamics », Language, 41:3, Linguistic society of

America, p.471-483.

GOULARD, J.-P. (2009), De Mortales a Inmortales. El Ser en el mundo ticuna de la Amazonía,Travaux de l’IFEA, 142, IFEA–CAAAP, Lima.

HYMAN, L. (2010), « Amazonia and the Typology of Tone Systems », UC Berkeley Phonology Lab Annual Report (2010), p.376-394.

MERRIFIELD, W. R. & EDMONDSON, J. A. (1999), « Palantla Chinantec: Phonetic Experiments on

Nasalization, Stress, and Tone », International Journal of American Linguistics, 65:3, The

University of Chicago Press, p.303-323.

MONTES RODRIGUEZ, M. E. (1995), Tonología de la lengua ticuna (Amacayacu), Lenguas

aborígenes de Colombia – Descripciones, 9, COLCIENCIA–Universidad de Los Andes–

CCELA.

TANG, K. E. (2008), The Phonology and Phonetics of Consonant-Tone Interaction, PhD

dissertation, University of California–Los Angeles.

YANG, T. & EDMONDSON, J. A. (2010), « Kam », in DILLER, A. & al. (ed.) (2008), The Tai-Kadai Languages, Language Family Series, Routledge, chapter 19, p.507-584.

The development of tense remoteness in Aikanã grammar

Joshua Birchall (Museu Paraense Emílio Goeldi, Belém), Hein van der Voort (Museu Paraense Emílio Goeldi, Belém)

This presentation discusses the tense system of the isolate Aikanã language of the Brazilian state of Rondônia. The Aikanã language is highly agglutinating and displays a wide variety of suffixes related to the marking of tense, mood, modality and aspect, which has been partially described by Vasconcelos (2002) and van der Voort (2013, 2014, 2016). We draw on an extensive corpus of transcribed Aikanã narratives and conversations to show how the tense system interacts with other grammatical categories such as aspect, mood and person marking.

The primary future/non-future split in the tense system of Aikanã includes a grammaticalized remoteness distinction only in the future, which goes against the typological universal proposed in Dahl (1984) that languages have more remoteness distinctions in the past than in the future. Aikanã future constructions make an anomalous impression, since they at times show a mismatch between the person value of the argument and the value that is indexed, as in example (2), or are inflected twice for person, with the first inflection being in the first person, as in (3). The only way to explain these phenomena is through a quotative reading, which appears to be at play also in the expression of tense and mood in various languages of the region since a diachronic pathway between reported speech and future marking is also attested in the nearby Chapacuran languages (Everett 2008, Birchall to appear).

We argue here that the future remoteness distinction may have arisen through the reanalysis of an originally hortative/optative mood marker -re as an imminent future marker in a direct speech quotation construction, which explains certain person marking phenomena in the language, such as the unexpected use of first person subject inflection in (2) and (3). Besides the immediate future tense marker -re, there are modality suffixes that may have arisen in the same way, such as the desiderative -mãiryu in (5). Even though they require a direct speech construction, neither -re nor -mãiryu were ever attested as predicate final mood markers like the declarative -ẽ, interrogative -i or imperative -ʔẽ. A similar situation is encountered in the neighboring isolate language Kwaza, where desiderative and purposive modalities require a direct speech construction, as if they once were real mood markers (van der Voort 2004).

We will show through text frequency and internal reconstruction that the double person inflected future construction in Aikanã originated through reanalysis of a hortative/optative mood as imminent future (involving -re). The construction was then extended analogically into the remote future domain (involving -ta), where it still shows variability in its requirement of the double person inflection. Probably, -ta was originally the sole future tense morpheme in Aikanã.

This study contributes to the description of an aspect of Aikanã grammar that has so far not been accounted for in previous work. Müller (2016) shows tense remoteness to be especially prevalent in western Amazonia and the Andean foothills, and as such, this study helps to describe not only another case of this phenomenon in the region, but also outlines a historical scenario for how the typologically rare future remoteness distinction developed in Aikanã grammar.

References

Birchall, Joshua. to appear. Historical change in reported speech constructions in the Chapacuran family. Journal of Historical Linguistics.

Dahl, Östen. 1984. Temporal distance: remoteness distinctions in tense-aspect systems. In: Bryan Butterworth, Bernard Comrie & Östen Dahl (eds.), Explanations for Language Universals. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter, p.105-122.

Everett, Daniel. 2008. Wari’ Intentional State Constructions. In: Robert Van Valin (ed.), Investigations of the syntax-semantics-pragmatics interface. Amsterdam: John Benjamins, p. 381-409.

Müller, Neele. 2016. Tense-Aspect-Mood-Evidentiality (TAME). In: Pieter Muysken, Harald Hammarström, Olga Krasnoukhova, Neele Müller, Joshua Birchall, Simon van de Kerke, Loretta O'Connor, Swintha Danielsen, Rik van Gijn & George Saad (eds.) South American Indian Language Structures (SAILS) Online. Leipzig: Max Planck Institute of Evolutionary Anthropology. (Available at http://sails.clld.org)

Vasconcelos, Ione. 2002. Aspectos fonológicos e morfofonológicos da língua Aikanã. PhD. dissertation, Universidade Federal de Alagoas, Maceió.

Voort, Hein van der. 2004. A grammar of Kwaza. Berlin : Mouton de Gruyter Voort, Hein van der. 2013. Fala fictícia fossilizada: O tempo futuro em Aikanã. Boletim do

Museu Paraense Emílio Goeldi (Ciências Humanas), 8/2:359-377. Voort, Hein van der. 2014. Is reduplication an areal feature of the Guaporé-Mamoré region?

In: Gale Goodwin Gómez & Hein van der Voort (eds.), Reduplication in indigenous languages of South America. Leiden: Brill, p. 427-462.

Voort, Hein van der. 2016. Recursive inflection and grammaticalized fictive interaction in the southwestern Amazon. In: Esther Pascual & Sergeiy Sandler (eds.), The Conversation Frame: Forms and functions of fictive interaction. Amsterdam: John Benjamins, p. 277-299.

Aikanã examples

(1) pene kaw-ke-taka-a-te-ẽ yesterday bite-3SG-CL:arm-1SG.OBJ-PST.EMPH-DECL ‘(The gnat) bit me on the arm yesterday.’ (PAST)

(2) derinena kaw-ka-taka-neʔẽ-ta-ã-ẽ tomorrow bite-1SG-CL:arm-again-REM.FUT-1SG.OBJ-DECL ‘(The gnat) will bite me on the arm again tomorrow.’ (REMOTE FUTURE)

(3) hare-ka-re-me-ibathe-1SG-IMM.FUT-2SG-INT

‘Are you about to bathe?’ (IMMINENT FUTURE)

(4) kaw-xa-re-ʔẽbite-1PL-IMM.FUT-IMP

‘Let’s eat!’ (HORTATIVE)

(5) tara kaw-xa-mãiryu-mia-ẽ hü'a-na-i h-apa-za-ẽ what eat-1PL-DESI-2PL-DECL good-NEG-NMLZ 2-find-PL-DECL

‘You want to eat something, you are suffering.’ (DESIDERATIVE)

Abbreviations

CL = classifier; DECL = declarative; DESI = desiderative; IMM.FUT = immediate future; IMP = imperative; INT = interrogative; NEG = negative; NMLZ = nominalizer; OBJ = object; PL = plural; PST.EMPH = emphatic past; REM.FUT = remote future; SG = singular

Grammaticalization of abilitative ‘know’ in Tupi-Guarani languages

Josefina Bittar (University of New Mexico)

According to Bybee, Perkins, and Pagliuca (1994), verbs that express mental or physical ability grammaticalize into abilitative, root possibility, and permission morphemes. An example of this grammaticalization process is the verb can, which meant ‘know’ in earlier English (Bybee 1988:255). In its grammaticalization process, can underwent the following stages: First, it implied (1) “mental enabling conditions in the agent”; then, its meaning extended to (2) “enabling conditions in the agent” and, finally, it indicated (3) “enabling conditions” (Bybee 1988:255). Grammaticalization processes like these also involve morphosyntactic and phonological changes, like loss of inflections and phonological reduction (Croft 2003:253). In this paper, I explore the grammaticalization process of ‘know’ in seven of the forty-eight Tupi-Guarani languages, and I propose a grammaticalization ranking based on semantic, phonological, and morphological evidence. The explored languages are Kamayura, Paraguayan Guarani, Tapiete, Kukama, Tapirape, Asurini and Guaja. The selection was based on data availability, and equal representation of languages per subgroup, according to Cabral and Rodrigues’s (2001) classification.

Semantically, Tupi-Guarani languages have grammaticalized the verb ‘know’ to encode agent-oriented modality. On one hand, five of these languages —Paraguayan Guarani, Tapirape, Kamayura, Kukama and Tapieté— have reached the second stage proposed by Bybee (1988): abilitative modality. However, two of them —Kukama and Tapieté— also show stage (1), mental ability, uses of the verb ‘know’. On the other hand, Asurini and Guaja, have not yet reached stage (2) and only use ‘know’ to denote mental ability (stage (1)).

Phonologically, ‘know’ is more grammaticalized in Paraguayan Guarani and Tapirape than in other languages, mainly because these languages have made the once ‘full’ verb a suffix. Next in the grammaticalization ranking is Guaja: this language alternates suffixation and periphrasis to encode ability. Kamayura and Asurini, Kukama and Tapiete only use periphrasis to encode ability, which places them lower in the grammaticalization ranking.

Morphosyntactically, ‘know’ has lost its inflections in four of the seven languages: Paraguayan Guarani, Tapirape, Guaja, and Tapiete, showing a high degree of grammaticalization. Kamayura and Asurini abilitative ‘know’ indexes the subject, but the main verb in the construction does not take inflections. In Kukama, no verb indexes the subject, thus, it cannot be said that there was a special loss of inflection for ‘know’.

Even though more diachronic data is needed to study grammaticalization processes in Tupi-Guarani languages, exploring synchronic data among languages of the same family can shed light on the different stages of the emergence of their grammar. In the case of the grammaticalization of ‘know’ in Tupi-Guarani languages, synchronic evidence shows that Paraguayan Guarani and Tapirape are further ahead in the process, when considering all the domains (semantic, phonological, and morphosyntactical), followed by Guaja, and then by Kamayura, Asurini, Kokama-Kokamilla, and Tapiete.

References

Bybee, Joan L. 1988. "Semantic substance vs. contrast in the development of grammatical meaning” In Annual Meeting of the Berkeley Linguistics Society (Vol. 14).

Bybee, Joan L, Revere D Perkins, and William Pagliuca. 1994. The Evolution of Grammar: Tense, Aspect, and Modality in the Languages of the World. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.

Cabral, Ana Suelly, and Rodrigues, Aryon. 2001. “Línguas indígenas brasileiras: fonologia, gramática e história.” In Atas do I Encontro Internacional do Grupo de Trabalho sobre Línguas Indígenas da Anpoll. 2 volumes. Belém: Edufba.

Croft, William. 2003. Typology and Universals. 2nd Edition. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press

Reference grammars

González, Hebe Alicia. 2005. A grammar of Tapiete (Tupi-Guarani). Ph.D. Dissertation. University of Pittsburgh.

Krivoshein de Canese, Natalia. 1983. Gramática de la Lengua Guaraní. Asunción: Ñemitỹ

Neiva Praça, Walkíria. 2007. Morfossintaxe da língua Tapirapé (Família Tupí-Guaraní). Ph.D. Dissertation. University of Brasilia.

Pereira, Antônia Alves. 2009. Estudo morfossintático do Asurini do Xingu. Ph.D. Dissertation. University of Campinas.

Seki, Lucy. 2000. Gramática do Kamaiurá. Ph.D. Dissertation. University of Campinas.

Silva Magalhães, Marina Maria. 2007. Sobre a morfologia e a sintaxe da língua Guajá (Família Tupí-Guaraní). Ph.D. Dissertation. University of Brasilia.

Vallejos, Rosa. 2010. A grammar of Kokama-Kokamilla. Ph.D. Dissertation. University of Oregon.

Tiningua

Katherine Bolaños (The University of Texas at Austin), Ricardo Palacio H. (Instituto Caro y Cuervo)

Tinigua es una lengua asilada cuyos hablantes alguna vez habitaron la franja inter andes-amazonas, hacia

el centro-sur de Colombia. Hoy, con un ultimo hablante, Tinigua es una lengua en un critico estado de

vulnerabilidad. En la literatura disponible, la lengua, y las practicas culturales de este grupo, han recibido

muy poca documentacion y minima descripcion.

Desde finales del ano 2016 hemos empezado un proyecto de documentacion y descripcion de la lengua

Tinigua, y una documentacion de las practicas culturales y las estructuras sociales de este grupo etnico, a

traves del trabajo con su ultimo hablante, Sixto Munoz, y conversaciones con otros individuos de la

region que tuvieron relaciones con los miembros de este grupo que se fue diezmando en los ultimos 60

anos.

Para esta charla tenemos dos propositos. Por un lado queremos presentar resultados preliminares del

analisis linguistico del sistema de sonidos y algunos aspectos de la morfosintaxis de Tinigua,

particularmente senalando aquellas caracteristicas que parecieran ser mas tipicas de las lenguas andinas

(por ejemplo, la presencia de sonidos retroflejos, y la casi ausencia de clasificadores nominales), y

aquellas que parecieran ser mas tipicas de lenguas del noroeste amazonico (por ejemplo, sistema de 5

vocales, procliticos, posesion marcada en el dependiente). Por otro lado, pretendemos explorar aquellas

practicas culturales que nos ayuden a informar sobre un pasado de contacto con otros grupos del

piedemonte andino. Especificamente, nos proponemos discutir cuales son las practicas particulares que

revelan un intenso contacto de Tinigua con grupos andinos (por ejemplo, practicas rituales), y cuales

revelan relaciones con grupos amazonicos (por ejemplo, otras practicas culturales como de comida y de

celebraciones familiares). Esto ultimo constituye un reto, dadas las dificultades metodologicas que

representan el trabajo con un unico narrador, quien, por demas, esta al rededor de los 90 anos, la escasa

literatura de la cual se dispone, y la trayectoria de vida de este ultimo hablante.

Simbolismo sonoro en la lengua y cantar sikuani

Johnatan E. Bonilla (Instituto Caro y Cuervo)

En el léxico de la lengua sikuani se encuentran construcciones nominales y verbales que guardan relación con sonidos de la naturaleza. La relación sonido -unidad léxica no se limita a lo onomatopéyico ya que en la ritualidad, expresada mediante la palabra (liweisi) y el canto (waji), se evidencian conexiones con el candelario ecológico (saber ecosistémico), fórmulas de sanación o protección (saber medicinal-espiritual) o mecanismos de mantenimiento y transmisión de la ley de origen (saber oral). A partir de esto, la presente ponencia expone la manera en que los nombres y acciones de aves, peces y animales terrestres se integran en la lengua y, por lo tanto, en los saberes de la comunidad como representaciones activas del performance cultural y de la identidad del pueblo sikuani. Los materiales de la ponencia hacen parte de la investigación y publicación “De agua, viento y verdor 2. Paisajes sonoros, cantos y relatos indígenas para niños y niñas” realizada en las comunidades Caño Negro de departamento del Guaviare y Corosito y el Olvido en el Meta.

A first analysis of Tense-Aspect constructions in Yawarana (Cariban)

Natalia Cáceres Arandia (University of Oregon), Spike Gildea (University of Oregon)

This talk provides a first description of the tense-aspect system of Yawarana (yar), a

Cariban language spoken in Amazonas State in Venezuela. There are wordlists from several early

explorers, an undergraduate thesis grammar sketch (Colina Amaro 1991), and a brief sketch of

alignment patterns (Mattei Muller 2005), but until now, nothing has been published about the

tense-aspect system. In 2015, the local indigenous organization identified 32 remaining speakers,

all bilingual in Spanish and all 50 or older (3 since deceased); in our documentation project, we

have been able to work with 13 of these. Our data come from analysis of recordings of various

genres, including narratives, procedural, and conversations, plus from bilingual elicitation

(Spanish-Yawarana). The inflectional morphology of Yawarana is relatively simple in

comparison with nearby Cariban languages, with many fewer person prefixes, fewer inflectional

suffixes, and no splits in alignment; in compensation, syntactic collocations with auxiliaries,

clitics, and particles play a larger role in creating tense-aspect distinctions.

Main clause verbs in Yawarana have a single suffix slot for inflectional tense-aspect

morphology, the same slot that holds all category-changing derivational morphology. The

inventory of inflectional suffixes in this slot includes (apparently) pure tense suffixes, such as -se‘PAST’ (1), -sarö ‘IMMINENT FUTURE’ (2), and -tojpano ‘FUTURE’ (3), (apparently) pure aspect

suffixes, such as -sapö ‘PERFECT’ (4), and -rï ‘IMPERFECTIVE’ (5), plus one suffix, -jpö‘PERF2/DIST.PAST’ (6) that appears to belong to both semantic categories. All of these suffixes are

identical to synchronic nominalizers (-sapö, -rï, -jpö), adverbializers (-se, -sarö), or combinations

that include a nominalizer (-tojpano).

Additional tense-aspect information may be expressed by adding an inflected form of the

copular auxiliary to one of these inflected forms (7) or adding the particle =pano‘CONCLUSIVE’ (identical to the particle that marks deceased participants) to -se and -sapö (also

perhaps the origin of the final two syllables of -tojpano)

In addition to providing a first description of the tense-aspect morphology, we will also

illustrate problems encountered in determining whether a given form primarily encodes tense or

aspect. Crucial to answering this question is an examination of how the meaning of a given tense-

aspect suffix combines with the inherent lexical aspect (especially telic vs. states) of different

verbs: e.g., a simple past tense suffix may have a perfective reading with telic verbs but an

imperfective (gnomic) reading with states, or a simple perfective suffix may have a completive

reading with telic verbs, but an inchoative/inceptive reading with atelic verbs. We will show

examples where these criteria fail to clarify the semantic values of TA suffixes in Yawarana.

Examples

(1) Kojmanpe ana wereta-seafternoon 1+3 arrive-PST

‘We arrived in the afternoon.’ {ConvAmGu.207:AmGu}

(2) Tajne ma ana wë-sarë3PL RESTR 1+3 kill-IMM

‘They will be killing us’ (context: an attack has started) {CtoWaruMaFl.036:MaFl}

(3) Apo, kojmanpe rë wïrë tu-tojpanolater afternoon EMPH 1SG give-FUT

‘Later, in the afternoon, I will give it (to you).’ {CtoVarMaFl.186:MaFl}

(4) Warë ejnë warota-ri tata tototomo yathus 1+2 work-IPFV 3O-say.IPFV non.indian-PL ERG

‘Thus we work, say the non-indians.’ {ConvAmGu.106:ElPe}

(5) Warë wïrë këyata-sapëthus 1SG grow.up-PERF

‘Thus I grew up.’ {GrMePers.038:GrMe}

(6) I-kamicha-ri sukase ta-nëmë-jpë tëpu po3-clothing-POS all 3O-leave.O-PERF rock LOC

‘All of his clothes, he had left them on a rock.’ {ConvAmGu.191-2:AmGu}

(7) Tajne papa=pano ma ta-nëmë-se wej-sapë3PL 1.father=late RESTR 3O-leave.O-PST AUX-PERF

‘They left my late father.’ {ConvHistFamSJM.178:MaFl}

List of glosses

AUX=auxiliary, EMPH=emphatic, ERG=ergative, FUT=future, IMM=imminent, IPFV=imperfective,

LOC=locative, PERF=perfect, PL=plural, POS=possessive, PST=past, RESTR=restrictive, SG

=singular

References

Colina Amaro, Angel A. 1991 Descripción del idioma Yawarana. Senior thesis. Escuela de

Antropología, Universidad Central de Venezuela.

Mattei-Muller, Marie Claude. 2005. “Sistema verbal Yawarana.” Grammar of Cariban Languages meeting. CELIA, Villejuif, December 5-9

The phonology of stress and tone in Kubeo

Thiago Costa Chacon (University of Brasilia), Matthew Gordon (University of California, Santa Barbara), Larissa Timo (University of Brasilia)

In this talk we analyze the phonological organization of stress and tone patterns in

Kubeo, an Eastern Tukanoan language from Northwest Amazonia. We propose an

account where tone and stress are analyzed as distinct word-level prosodic properties in

the underlying and surface forms of Kubeo words, but yet show remarkable points of

interactions. The way both systems interact is attributed to different phonetic constraints,

but ultimately to the role of metrical structure in motivating tone and stress patterns.

Kubeo has lexically contrastive stress interacting with contrastive tones (H vs.

HL). The primary stressed syllable usually falls on the second syllable of the word, but

some lexical items have stress on the first syllable. Primary stress is manifested primarily

by duration and vowel quality and through its role as the docking site for the H tone in

the word. Tone spreading occurs up to one foot to the right of the primary stress location

(cf. patterns in (1)). A closer look at the domain of tone spreading reveals the colon, a

constituent consisting canonically of two feet, as the relevant structure to account for

surface tone patterns. We propose that underlying tones are linked to foot heads within

the leftmost colon of a word; any intervening syllable between two feet heads will present

transition tone melodies: rising if the first and second foot heads are linked to an H tone,

and falling if the first foot head is associated to an H tone and the second foot head is

linked to an L tone (cf. examples in (2)). To the right of the colon, syllables have no

underlying tones and may present L or H tone depending on factors of secondary stress

and sentence prosody.

The rhythmic structure in Kubeo word-level prosody can also be observed in the

manifestation of secondary stress. Although less consistent than tone spreading, and

subject to inter-speaker variation, secondary stress can be observed as an alternating

pattern rightwards from the location of the primary stress. In (3) we show that, for the

speech of one speaker in our corpus, secondary stress is manifested by longer duration of

the syllable in the second foot head of a word.

While there is a clear pattern of isomorphism between stress and tone patterns

attributed to the role of metrical structure, there is a fundamental difference between both

regarding their prosodic domain. First, tone spreading is restricted to two feet, but the

rhythmic alternation of secondary stress goes beyond that. Second, while the domain for

tone spreading may encompass two roots in a compound, the domain for stress is

restricted to a word consisting of a single root. Yet, different kinds of bound morphemes

have distinct properties regarding their behavior according to stress or tone phenomena.

In addition, we also explore how the patterns of tone and stress conspire to enhance some

key acoustic properties of each system (e.g. H tone unstressed syllables are relatively

longer than L tone unstressed syllables).

The patterns in (1) below illustrate the basic distribution of stress and tone in Kubeo

monomorphemic pentasyllabic words (highlighted tones in bold represent the location of

primary stress; tones with an underline represent the edge of tone spreading; brackets “[

]” enclose the domain we analyze as binary feet):

(1) a. [L H] [H H] L (H tone; iambic feet)

b. [L H] [L L] L (HL tone; iambic feet)

c. [H H] [H L] L (H tone; trochaic feet)

d. [H L] [L L] L/(H) (HL tone; trochaic feet)

The figures in (2) represent average f0 values for two speakers. In (2a) we show tone

spreading of words with H tones and primary stress on the second syllable. Notice the

pitch drop after the fourth syllable, which according to the model in (1) is outside the

scope of the colon (cf. [1a]). In (2b) we show the pattern for H tone words with stress in

the first syllable; pitch drops at the fourth syllable, also confirming model (1) (cf. [1c]).

(2a)

(2b)

Figure in (3) shows the duration pattern of tetrasyllabic words with primary stress on the

first syllable and H tone. The longer duration in the third syllable is expected from

secondary stress falling in an alternating pattern from the location of primary stress.

Acoustic Correlates of Stress in Kubeo Matthew K. Gordon1, Thiago C. Chacon2, Kaveh Varjoy1, Jullie A. Ferreira2

1UC Santa Barbara, 2University of Brasilia

• HL words with initial stress display the same pattern as HL words with second syllable stress: H on primary stressed syllable followed by a fall.

• Interestingly, the fall in tone ends on the fifth syllable, which is plausibly a secondary stressed syllable ifone assumes an alternating stress pattern.

from Chacon (2012)

Research Questions• How is stress acoustically manifested? Tone languages are typically assumed to rely on properties other than F0 to signal stress.• Is primary and secondary stress differentiated acoustically? Cross-linguistic acoustic data on secondary stress is relatively sparse.• Is there phonetic evidence for stress-sensitive tone spreading? Tones often are attracted to stressed syllables, but evidence for a attraction to secondary stress is less robust typologically • Are there footing reversals between primary and secondary stress feet? Footing reversals typically arise to avoid final stress, e.g. (σˈσ)(σˌσ) → (σˈσ)(ˌσσ), but this would not be the reason for a reversal in Kubeo

• HL words show predicted docking of H tone on primary stressed.• There is a relatively steep fall on the post-tonic (or the next vowel after the post-tonic one) vowel

(consistent with L tone) followed by a gradual decline (or plateau) through the end of the word (ambiguous between spreading of L and boundary tone effect).

• The location of the L tone could be analyzed as docking on the secondary stressed syllable (at least for the second speaker).

Segmental Phonology • 9 native consonants: p, t, ʧ, k, b, d, w, j, h plus two new consonants: ð, ɾ• 6 vowels: i, e, a, o, u, ɨ• Nasality is contrastive: kua ‘to hunt with a dog’ vs. kũã ‘bone, boa ‘to kill’ vs. mõã ‘fish’ • Syllables are (C)V(V): ó ‘wild banana’, bí ‘no’, põẽ ‘person’

Background • Kubeo is a Tukanoan language spoken in the Northwest Amazonia by about 7900 speakers,7500 of whom live in Colombia.

• Most speakers, except for young kids and older adults, are multi-lingual, speaking Spanish (in Columbia) or Portuguese (in Brazil) plus at least one other indigenous Amazonian language.

Methodology • A list of approximately 150 words with varied tone and stress patterns and differing in

number of syllables was recorded • Each target word was non-final in a frame sentence • The word list was recorded by speakers onto a Zoom H4N recorder using a AT 8314 carded

condenser microphone clipped to a baseball cap • Data was recorded at a sampling rate of 44.1kHz with 16 bit quantization.• Recordings were made in August 2013 by the second author, Thiago Chacon.• A number of acoustic properties were measured for each vowel using Praat (Boersma and

Weenink 2015): duration, mean F0, mean intensity, and first and second formant • Results are presented here for two male speakers

Secondary Stress • There is only weak evidence from duration data from one of the speakers for secondary stress on

the fourth syllable of words with primary stress on the second syllable.

Primary Stress • Primary stressed vowels are longer and have higher F0 and greater intensity than both

unstressed and secondary stressed syllables • Secondary stressed and unstressed vowels are not differentiated from each others when

data are aggregated over all non-final syllables (to control for final position effects)

H H

• H tone words display predicted docking of H tone on primary stressed with rightward spreading through the following secondary stressed syllable.

• The syllable after the secondary stressed syllable has lowered F0.

H

L

H

L

• Duration and intensity data from Kubeo support the existence of stress alongside tone, adding to the relatively small number of cases of phonetically verified stress patterns in tone languages, cf. Potisuk et al.(1996) on Thai, Remijsen et al. (2002) on Papiamentu, Caballero & Carroll (2015) on Tarahumara

• Tonal docking is also predicted by stress • Only weak acoustic evidence for secondary stress has been discovered thus far.• However, tonal spreading is predictable from an account assuming rhythmic secondary stress • Tonal spreading data are consistent with alternating stress (and thus uniform feet) propagating rightward

from the primary stress whether the primary stress is initial or on the second syllable.

Iambic feet in words with second syllable stress Trochaic feet in words with initial stress (hɨˈbẽ)(kɨbé) ‘He is green’ (ˈhárò)(ˌbèbì)(ˌkó)

H H H H

HH

LL

Tonal Spreading

Footing Reversals

Prosody• Kubeo possesses both lexical tone as well as stress. • The realization of underlying tones is predictable from stress.• There is a two-way contrast between high (H) tone and falling tone (HL):

Hjɨ ‘I’ vs. HLu ‘sloth’ • The falling tone is compositional and requires two syllables to be realized

HLhíwɨ ‘my relatives’, HLtákɨ ‘tree species’, cf. HLu ‘sloth’ → ú

Stress• Stress characteristically falls on the second syllable

naˈmé ‘fish sp.’, koˈbé ‘hole’, daˈkákɨ ’I came’, poˈpókò ‘tree sp.’ • However, some words are lexically marked for initial stress.ˈókò ‘heron’ vs. oˈkó ‘water’, ˈbákò ‘mommy (vocative)’ vs. baˈkó ‘daughter (vocative)’

• In words with default primary stress on the second syllable, secondary stress falls on even-numbered syllables

(hɨˈbẽ)(kɨbé) ‘He is green’, (bãˈkã)(dṍˌdé) ‘a jungle’ • The situation is less clear in words with primary stress on the first syllable: Does stress follow a strict alternating pattern: (ˈhárò)(ˌbèbì)(ˌkó) OR is there a footing “reversal” whereby the primary stress foot is trochaic and others are iambic?: (ˈhárò)(bèˌbì)kó ‘she cannot be/is not seen’

Hypothesized interaction between stress and tone:• The location of tone is predictable from stress• The head of a foot attracts the lexical tone: (naˈmé) ‘fish sp.’, (koˈbé) ‘hole’ • Stray tones associate (L in HL words) and rightmost tone spreads rightward

H H L

H (kãˈɲɨ)(táˌmṹ) ’they are sleeping’ HL (kãˈɲɨ)(tàˌmũ) ’I am carrying it on my hip’

Discussion

Results• Based on words with second syllable stress, the domain of H tone spreading in H words appears to be

the most robust evidence for secondary stress with possible supporting evidence from L tone alignment in HL words

• H tone spreading in words with initial stress suggests that secondary stress falls on the third syllable,i.e. that there is no footing reversal.

• The failure of H tone to spread to the fourth syllable in words with initial stress is not likely to be attributed to a tonal repulsion effect due to a final boundary tone, since H tones may spread to the final syllable in words with stress on the second syllable.

References

Acknowledgments

Acoustic Correlates of Stress in Kubeo Matthew K. Gordon1, Thiago C. Chacon2, Kaveh Varjoy1, Jullie A. Ferreira2

1UC Santa Barbara, 2University of Brasilia

• HL words with initial stress display the same pattern as HL words with second syllable stress: H on primary stressed syllable followed by a fall.

• Interestingly, the fall in tone ends on the fifth syllable, which is plausibly a secondary stressed syllable ifone assumes an alternating stress pattern.

from Chacon (2012)

Research Questions• How is stress acoustically manifested? Tone languages are typically assumed to rely on properties other than F0 to signal stress.• Is primary and secondary stress differentiated acoustically? Cross-linguistic acoustic data on secondary stress is relatively sparse.• Is there phonetic evidence for stress-sensitive tone spreading? Tones often are attracted to stressed syllables, but evidence for a attraction to secondary stress is less robust typologically • Are there footing reversals between primary and secondary stress feet? Footing reversals typically arise to avoid final stress, e.g. (σˈσ)(σˌσ) → (σˈσ)(ˌσσ), but this would not be the reason for a reversal in Kubeo

• HL words show predicted docking of H tone on primary stressed.• There is a relatively steep fall on the post-tonic (or the next vowel after the post-tonic one) vowel

(consistent with L tone) followed by a gradual decline (or plateau) through the end of the word (ambiguous between spreading of L and boundary tone effect).

• The location of the L tone could be analyzed as docking on the secondary stressed syllable (at least for the second speaker).

Segmental Phonology • 9 native consonants: p, t, ʧ, k, b, d, w, j, h plus two new consonants: ð, ɾ• 6 vowels: i, e, a, o, u, ɨ• Nasality is contrastive: kua ‘to hunt with a dog’ vs. kũã ‘bone, boa ‘to kill’ vs. mõã ‘fish’ • Syllables are (C)V(V): ó ‘wild banana’, bí ‘no’, põẽ ‘person’

Background • Kubeo is a Tukanoan language spoken in the Northwest Amazonia by about 7900 speakers,7500 of whom live in Colombia.

• Most speakers, except for young kids and older adults, are multi-lingual, speaking Spanish (in Columbia) or Portuguese (in Brazil) plus at least one other indigenous Amazonian language.

Methodology • A list of approximately 150 words with varied tone and stress patterns and differing in

number of syllables was recorded • Each target word was non-final in a frame sentence • The word list was recorded by speakers onto a Zoom H4N recorder using a AT 8314 carded

condenser microphone clipped to a baseball cap • Data was recorded at a sampling rate of 44.1kHz with 16 bit quantization.• Recordings were made in August 2013 by the second author, Thiago Chacon.• A number of acoustic properties were measured for each vowel using Praat (Boersma and

Weenink 2015): duration, mean F0, mean intensity, and first and second formant • Results are presented here for two male speakers

Secondary Stress • There is only weak evidence from duration data from one of the speakers for secondary stress on

the fourth syllable of words with primary stress on the second syllable.

Primary Stress • Primary stressed vowels are longer and have higher F0 and greater intensity than both

unstressed and secondary stressed syllables • Secondary stressed and unstressed vowels are not differentiated from each others when

data are aggregated over all non-final syllables (to control for final position effects)

H H

• H tone words display predicted docking of H tone on primary stressed with rightward spreading through the following secondary stressed syllable.

• The syllable after the secondary stressed syllable has lowered F0.

H

L

H

L

• Duration and intensity data from Kubeo support the existence of stress alongside tone, adding to the relatively small number of cases of phonetically verified stress patterns in tone languages, cf. Potisuk et al.(1996) on Thai, Remijsen et al. (2002) on Papiamentu, Caballero & Carroll (2015) on Tarahumara

• Tonal docking is also predicted by stress • Only weak acoustic evidence for secondary stress has been discovered thus far.• However, tonal spreading is predictable from an account assuming rhythmic secondary stress • Tonal spreading data are consistent with alternating stress (and thus uniform feet) propagating rightward

from the primary stress whether the primary stress is initial or on the second syllable.

Iambic feet in words with second syllable stress Trochaic feet in words with initial stress (hɨˈbẽ)(kɨbé) ‘He is green’ (ˈhárò)(ˌbèbì)(ˌkó)

H H H H

HH

LL

Tonal Spreading

Footing Reversals

Prosody• Kubeo possesses both lexical tone as well as stress. • The realization of underlying tones is predictable from stress.• There is a two-way contrast between high (H) tone and falling tone (HL):

Hjɨ ‘I’ vs. HLu ‘sloth’ • The falling tone is compositional and requires two syllables to be realized

HLhíwɨ ‘my relatives’, HLtákɨ ‘tree species’, cf. HLu ‘sloth’ → ú

Stress• Stress characteristically falls on the second syllable

naˈmé ‘fish sp.’, koˈbé ‘hole’, daˈkákɨ ’I came’, poˈpókò ‘tree sp.’ • However, some words are lexically marked for initial stress.ˈókò ‘heron’ vs. oˈkó ‘water’, ˈbákò ‘mommy (vocative)’ vs. baˈkó ‘daughter (vocative)’

• In words with default primary stress on the second syllable, secondary stress falls on even-numbered syllables

(hɨˈbẽ)(kɨbé) ‘He is green’, (bãˈkã)(dṍˌdé) ‘a jungle’ • The situation is less clear in words with primary stress on the first syllable: Does stress follow a strict alternating pattern: (ˈhárò)(ˌbèbì)(ˌkó) OR is there a footing “reversal” whereby the primary stress foot is trochaic and others are iambic?: (ˈhárò)(bèˌbì)kó ‘she cannot be/is not seen’

Hypothesized interaction between stress and tone:• The location of tone is predictable from stress• The head of a foot attracts the lexical tone: (naˈmé) ‘fish sp.’, (koˈbé) ‘hole’ • Stray tones associate (L in HL words) and rightmost tone spreads rightward

H H L

H (kãˈɲɨ)(táˌmṹ) ’they are sleeping’ HL (kãˈɲɨ)(tàˌmũ) ’I am carrying it on my hip’

Discussion

Results• Based on words with second syllable stress, the domain of H tone spreading in H words appears to be

the most robust evidence for secondary stress with possible supporting evidence from L tone alignment in HL words

• H tone spreading in words with initial stress suggests that secondary stress falls on the third syllable,i.e. that there is no footing reversal.

• The failure of H tone to spread to the fourth syllable in words with initial stress is not likely to be attributed to a tonal repulsion effect due to a final boundary tone, since H tones may spread to the final syllable in words with stress on the second syllable.

References

Acknowledgments

0.05

0.06

0.07

0.08

0.09

0.1

1 2 3 4 Mea

n D

ura

tion

(se

c)

Syllables counted from Left

ASPECTOS HABITUAL E PROSPECTIVO NO SAYNÁWA (PANO): TEMPO E NEGAÇÃO

Cláudio André Couto (UNICAMP; NEI-UFPE)

Este é um trabalho descritivo sobre o aspecto habitual e o aspecto prospectivo na língua Saynáwa (“Brazilian Yaminawa” em Fleck 2013), e a relação desses aspectos com o tempo e a negação. O Saynáwa integra a família Pano (Couto 2010, 2015) e é falado por 7 índios Saynáwa/Jamináwa, que vivem no sudoeste da Amazônia, no Brasil (município de Cruzeiro do Sul, estado do Acre). A pesquisa partiu de dados próprios, coletados em 8 meses de pesquisa de campo, e teve por marco teórico o funcionalismo, em uma perspectiva tipológica (Comrie 1976, 1985, Bybee et al 1994, Miestamo 2005), bem como se alicerçou nos estudos em semântica linguística de Frawley (1992). No Saynáwa, aspecto é uma categoria flexional do verbo. Aspecto é aqui compreendido como as diferentes formas de se ver a constituição temporal interna de uma situação (Comrie 1976: 3). Através do aspecto habitual, a situação é vista como característica de um extenso período de tempo. Já através do aspecto prospectivo, a situação é percebida como iminente, destacando-se a fase que precede a situação, quando as condições necessárias para sua ocorrência já são perceptíveis (Comrie 1976, Frawley 1992, Bybee et al 1994). O que há em comum entre o aspecto habitual e o prospectivo no Saynáwa, é que ambos apresentam mais de uma marca morfológica a depender do tempo (Comrie 1985) e da negação (Frawley 1992), e em ambos os casos não se tratam de morfemas portmanteau. O aspecto habitual é marcado pelos sufixos -pau, que delimita o habitual passado (ex. 1); -mis, o habitual não-passado (exs. 2-3); e -s, o habitual não-passado negativo (ex. 4). O aspecto prospectivo é marcado pelos sufixos -këa, que delimita o prospectivo passado (ex. 5); -tis, o prospectivo não-passado (ex. 6); e -ri, o prospectivo negativo (ex. 7). Tanto os morfemas de aspecto habitual, quanto os de prospectivo, não têm como sentido primário a localização no tempo, eles apenas concordam com a marca temporal, distinguindo-se em passado vs. não-passado. Os morfemas aspectuais habitual e prospectivo também não têm como sentido primário a negação, mas aqui há uma distinção entre eles. Sobre o aspecto habitual, os morfemas de aspecto habitual não-passado (-mis, -s) concordam com o escopo da negação (Frawley 1992), empregando-se -mis quando a negação for do predicado verbal (ex. 3), e -s quando a negação for doaspecto habitual não-passado (ex. 4). Ressalte-se que o morfema -mis também ocorreem afirmações (ex. 2). Sobre o aspecto prospectivo, há uma assimetria na marcação dacategoria gramatical na negação (Miestamo 2005), pois os morfemas identificados naafirmação (-këa ex. 5; -tis ex. 6) não são os mesmos da negação (-ri ex. 7), e aconcordância tempo passado (-këa) vs. não-passado (-tis), marcada na afirmação, éneutralizada na negação (-ri). Destaca-se também que o sentido “ainda não” (ex. 7)decorre da interação entre o morfema de aspecto prospectivo negativo -ri e a negação dopredicado verbal (Frawley 1992). Esta descrição é relevante porque não é comum entreas línguas naturais a existência de morfemas gramaticais que delimitem o aspectohabitual no tempo passado e no não-passado (Bybee et al 1994), bem como, salvoengano, não se tem notícia de uma língua Pano que apresente mais de um morfema deaspecto prospectivo. Já a análise sobre o sentido “ainda não” (Frawley 1992), insere-sena discussão sobre a existência de um tempo (Comrie 1985) ou de um aspecto (perfeito)“ainda não” (Heine 1993), discussão esta que se restringiu às línguas Bantu.

EXEMPLOS (1) ainbu=n mëni=ϕ xui-pau-ni=ki mulher=ERG banana=ABS assar-HAB.PAS-PAS4=ASSE ‘A mulher costumava assar banana.’ (2) Luciene=na rabës baka=ϕ aia-mis=ki

Luciene=ERG pouco água=ABS beber-HAB.NPAS=ASSE

‘Luciene costuma beber pouca água.’(3) Walmi=ra=n pi a-ma i-mis=ki Walmir=FOC=ERG comer AUX-NEG AUX-HAB.NPAS=ASSE ‘Walmir não costuma comer.’ (‘Walmir está sem comer.’) (4) kamën=nana iura=ϕ pi i-s-ma=ki cachorro=ERG gente=ABS comer AUX-HAB.NPAS.NEG-NEG=ASSE ‘Cachorro não come gente.’ (5) Claudi=na ha-un baka=ϕ uka-këa-xu=ki pani-uan Cláudio=ERG 3-POSS.ATR.3 água=ABS derramar-PROS.PAS-PAS1=ASSE rede-INST ‘Cláudio quase derramou sua água, com a rede.’ (6) bari=ϕ ma ha-nu-a iki-tis ki sol=ABS já aí-LOC-desde entrar-PROS.NPAS ASSE ‘O sol já está prestes a se pôr.’ (7) isin=ϕ nu=n këxë-ri a-ma=ki rede.de.pesca=ABS 1PL=ERG remendar-PROS.NEG AUX-NEG=ASSE ‘Nós ainda não remendamos, a rede de pesca.’

= fronteira de clítico, - fronteira de morfema, ϕ morfema zero, 1 1ª pessoa, 3 3ª pessoa, ABS absolutivo, ASSE asseverativo, ATR atributivo, AUX verbo auxiliar, ERG ergativo, FOC focalizador, HAB habitual, INST instrumental, LOC locativo, NEG negação ou negativo, NPAS não-passado, PAS passado, PAS1 passado recente, PAS4 passado remoto, PL plural, POSS possessivo, PROS prospectivo.

REFERÊNCIAS BYBEE, Joan; PERKINS, Revere; PAGLIUCA. 1994. The Evolution of

Grammar, Tense, Aspect, and Modality in the Languages of the World. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press.

COMRIE, Bernard. 1976. Aspect. Cambridge: Cambridge University. ______. 1985. Tense. Cambridge: Cambridge University. COUTO, Cláudio. 2010. Análise fonológica do Saynáwa (Pano) – A língua dos

índios da T.I. Jamináwa do Igarapé Preto. Dissertação. Universidade Federal de Pernambuco.

______. A Fonologia do Saynáwa (Pano) A língua falada pelos índios Saynáwa/Jamináwa da Terra Indígena Jamináwa do Igarapé Preto (Acre/Brasil). 2015. Tese. Vrije Universiteit Amsterdam. Utrecht: LOT.

FLECK, David William. 2013. Panoan languages and linguistics. In:_ American

Museum of Natural History Anthropological Papers. 99. FRAWLEY, William. 1992. Linguistic semantics. Hillsdale: Lawrence Erlbaum

Associates. HEINE, Bernd. 1993. Auxiliaries Cognitive Forces and Grammaticalization.

Oxford: Oxford University. MIESTAMO, Matti. 2005. Standard Negation The Negation of Declarative

Verbal Main Clauses in a Typological Perspective. Berlin/New York: Mouton de Gruyter.

The emergence of aspectual system from grammaticalization of nouns – a case study on Nheengatú

Aline da Cruz (Universidade Federal de Goias)

Languages of the Tupi-Guarani branch of the Tupian family are often used in the literature to exemplify the possibility of nouns to be combined with nominal aspect (more traditionally analyzed as ‘nominal tense’, cf. Tonhauser 2007 for a discussion on the competing analyses). Evidence from Tupinambá (Rodrigues 2010; Cruz 2016, Meira p.c.) and from Nheengatú (Cruz 2016) indicate that aspectual nominal marks originally were nouns, roughly translated as *kue ‘run-down version (of an entity)’ and *rã ‘prospective version (of an entity)’ in Proto-Tupi-Guarani (PTG). These nouns have been grammaticalized in the different languages of the family as nominal suffixes with aspectual functions (cf., for instance, Nordlinger e Sadler (2008) on Guarani), however it was kept as nouns in Tupinambá. In this paper, we focus on the development of the forms kuera, from PTG *kue, and rama, from PTG *rã, in Nheengatú, the language that descends from Tupinambá and has largely been used as língua geral since the 17th century. In Nheengatú, it is still possible to find spontaneous utterances in which the word kuera, , the cognate of the so-called nominal past in other Tupi-Guarani languages, occurs as a free word, with syntactical proprieties of nouns, as illustrated in (1). The use of kuera as a noun is a conservative feature of Nheengatú, since in Tupinambá its cognate, pwer ~ kwer, was also a noun. In the majority of its occurrences, the noun kuera occurs in genitive constructions to indicate that an entity has lost its main properties, as illustrated in (2) and (3). Besides its use as a noun, the word kuera has been grammaticalized as a particle whose function is to express perfect aspect, which “signals that the situation occurs prior to reference time and is relevant to the situation at the reference time” (Bybee, Perkins e Pagliuca 1994, 51). As a perfect marker, kuera can be combined with nominal predicates, such as in (3), and with verbal predicates, such as in (4). Note that in example (3), kuera can be interpreted both as a noun and as an aspectual marker. This ambiguity is an indication on how the grammaticalization process from a noun to an aspectual marker took place. On contrast, the form rã, the cognate of the so-called nominal future in other Tupi-Guarani languages, has been grammaticalized as a subordinator, with a prospective aspectual connotation. As illustrated in (5) and (6), rã can be combined with both nominal and verbal predicates, respectively.Combined with yepe ‘frustrative’, rã is used to indicate counterfactual, as in (7). The analysis ofthe grammaticalization of the forms kuera and rã in Nheengatú give us an opportunity toinvestigate the emergence of aspectual distinctions on both nominal and verbal predicates.

(1) Ixe kuera

1SG run.down.version‘I am a run-down version (of myself)’[Contextually, the utterance means: ‘I am not so beautiful/smart/strong as I used to be’]

(2) pe-maã te kua mirá kuera

2PL.A-see FOC DEM tree run.down.version ‘See that run down version of a tree [a fallen tree or a dead tree]’.

(3) aitenhaã paa sukuriu pedasu ita kuera

DEM REP snake piece PL run.down.version/PRF ‘[They say that] that was the run down version of the pieces of snake’ OR ‘[They say

that] that was pieces of snake.’

(4) mukura u-wai kuera u-puka-pa seti pedasu

didelphis 3SG.A-fall PRF 3SG.A-burst-COMPL seven piece ‘The didelphis has fallen and burst completely into seven pieces.’

(5) a-yutima se-iwa asui a-yuka se-rimiara=rã

1SG.A-plant 1SG.NA-fruit CONJ 1SG.A-take 1SG.NA-food=PROSP ‘I plant my fruits, then I take it to be my food.’

(6) ya-su ya-kuntai ta-yuká=rã nhaã usayuwa

1PL.A-go 1PL.A-say 3PL.A-kill=PROSP DEM ant ‘Let’s ask them to kill that ants’

(7) aiwã ta-yuká=rã yepe ae

CONJ 3PL.A-kill=PROSP FRUSTR DEM‘They would kill [him], (but they didn’t)’

References Bybee, Joan L., Revere Dale Perkins, and William Pagliuca. 1994. The Evolution of Grammar:

Tense, Aspect, and Modality in the Grammars of the World. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.

Cruz, Aline da. 2016. “Towards an understanding of the origin of aspectual marks on nouns: evidence from Nheengatu and Tupinambá”. In: O Sintagma Nominal em Línguas

Amazônicas, by Dioney Gomes and F. Queixalós. São Paulo: Pontes. Nordlinger, Rachel, and Louisa Sadler. “When is a temporal marker not a tense?” Language 84,

n. 2 (June 2008): 325-331.

Rodrigues, Aryon. 2010. "Estrutura do Tupinambá." In Língua e culturas Tupi, by Aryon Dall'Igna Rodrigues and Ana Suelly Arruda Câmara Cabral, 11-42. Brasília: LALI.

Tonhauser, Judith. “Nominal tense? The meaning of Guarani Nominal Temporal Markers.” Language 83, n. 4 (2007a): 831-869.

MULTIVERB ASPECTUAL CONSTRUCTIONS IN APINAJE AND CANELA

Christiane Cunha de Oliveira (Universidade Federal de Goiás, Núcleo de Tipologia Linguística/CNPq), Flávia de Castro Alves (Universidade de Brasília, Núcleo de Tipologia

Linguística/CNPq)

Languages from the Northern branch of the Jê family share a construction involving the

light verb o/to in combination with position or movement verbs, the inventory of which

may vary in size, depending on the language. In all, mostly SOV, languages, o/to displays the

same distributional pattern: it follows a nominal and precedes a verb. This paper will focus

on the verbal construction characterized by the structure [N o/to V], where N is a non-finite

predicate and V is a verb of movement or position. Such construction describes an event that

happens as the participant is actually in movement or in a certain position (1.a, 2.b), but it may

also encode the imperfective aspect (2.a, 3). Castro Alves (2015) analyses the structure [to V]

as consisting of auxiliary verbs, whereas Oliveira (2005) suggests an analysis in terms of verb

serialization. For the purposes of this discussion, we shall call this a multiverb construction,

since it involves at least three verbs at a time.

The goal of this investigation is, first, to describe the functionality and semantics of this

construction in two Northern Jê languages: Canela and Apinaje. These neighboring

languages are located at the upper course of the Tocantins river, in Brazil; the former is

spoken in southern Maranhão State, and the latter in northern Tocantins State. In order to

delimit the range of data to be compared, the grammatical properties of each language are

considered. Both Apinaje and Canela display ergativity, but in different ways: while ergativity

in Canela is governed by distinctions of Tense (1), in Apinaje, it is limited to the context of

subordination (2.a). In both languages, the morpheme o/to is identified as the verb

‘do’ and as the morphological causative marker, as well as the instrumental postposition (4).

Apinaje allows for a larger inventory of movement and position verbs to be

combined with o than Canela, which appears to favor the occurrence of mõ ‘go’ at a higher

frequency rate than any other movement or position verb, yielding the [N to mõ] construction,

which encodes progressive aspect. In Apinaje, the wider variety of verbs to occur in

multiverb aspectual constructions has to do with the semantics of the non-finite verb (5).

The second goal of this discussion is to ponder whether this structure is best analyzed in

terms of main verb-auxiliary verb or as a case of serialization – or even if one analysis

could account for the data of both languages at all.

Finally, we aim at identifying the criteria – shared and specific – offered by

the grammar of these languages for distinguishing between the various contexts of use, and

thus comprehend the grammaticalization path that leads from the expression of

adverbial to aspectual information.

(1) Canela cahãj te hĩ kur to=mõ (a)

Woman ERG meat eat PRG

'the woman went eating meat'

humre mõr (b)

man go

'the man's gone'

(2) Apinaje me [[kɔt amɲĩ nipeʧ] pɨrʌk] ɔ mõ (a)

PL 3.ERG RFLX make be.alike do go

õkrepoj ɔ mõ (b)

singing do go

əbri ɲum mõ :: mõ :: nẽ nõ (c)

then DS go go and lie

‘They were behaving just like (the women). They moved on singing. Then it (jacaré) moved on

(the water)… and on… and laid down (at their reach).’

(3) Canela i-picãn to=mõ

3-melt PRG

'it is melting (the butter)'

krat ipu to=mõ

bowl fill PRG

'the bowl is filling'

(4) Canela me ih-hy to me caco (a)

PL 3-seed INST PL juice

'we (make) juice with the seed'

Apinaje na pre əbri [[bot=ti pʌr] ɔ] ku-tɔ (b)

RLS PST then jatobá tree INSTR 3.ACC-do

‘Then they made it (the fire) out of the jatobá tree’

(5) Apinaje na ate amni-m kapẽr ɔ ɲ�RLS V RFLX-DAT talk.NF do sit

‘He is talking to himself (sitting)’

Pa na pa iʔ-pimdir ɔ nõ

1 RLS 1 1-dream.NF do lay

‘I was dreaming (laying in bed)’

References:

CASTRO ALVES, F. (2015). “The grammar of auxiliary constructions in Canela”.

International Workshop: Diachronic Morphosyntax In South American Languages.

Collegium de Lyon and Laboratoire Dynamique Du Langage, Lyon, France, 28-30 May.

OLIVEIRA, C.C. (2005) The language of the Apinaje people of Central Brazil. University of

Oregon dissertation.

LA EXPRESIÓN DE LAS CATEGORÍAS DE ASPECTO Y TIEMPO EN NASA YUWE

Esteban Díaz Montenegro (Laboratoire Dynamique du Langage – DDL, Université Lumière Lyon II; GELPS, Universidad del Cauca, Colombia)

La expresión de las categorías de aspecto y tiempo en nasa yuwe (antes páez,

ISO: pbb, lengua no clasificada del suroccidente de Colombia) implica una

compleja interacción entre la alternancia de raíces verbales (perfectivas versus

imperfectivas) (Bickel & Nichols, 2007, pág. 183), sufijos de aspecto gramatical,

clíticos de pasado (remoto/reciente) y clíticos/sufijos de sujeto.

En una cláusula simple, en los verbos clase I (VI), la raíz toma la forma

extendida para IPFV, mientras que la no extendida para PFV. En los verbos clase II

(VII), se usa la forma no extendida para IPFV, mientras que la extendida para PFV (ver

ejemplos 1 y 2). En nasa yuwe se distingue además, en 3SG/PL, entre estados (EST) y

situaciones dinámicas (DIN). Esta distinción - común en lenguas con sistemas de

tiempo, aspecto y modo (c.f. (Dahl, 1985) (Timberlake, 2007)) - se expresa a través

de las marcas de sujeto así: -aˀ ‘3SG.REAL.EST’, -ta ‘3PL.REAL.EST’, =k(u)

‘3SG.REAL.DIN’ y =tʲ(i) ‘3PL.REAL.DIN’ (ver ejemplos 1 y 2).

Adicionalmente, dos distinciones de aspecto gramatical son

morfológicamente marcadas por sufijos: -ʦ ‘PROGRESIVO’ y -jaˀp ‘PROSPECTIVO’.

Los morfemas de PROG y PROS son selectivos respecto a la raíz a la que se sufijan

(IPFV � PROG y PFV � PROS) y a las marcas de sujeto que toman (EST para PROG

como para PROS). No obstante, estas selecciones no parecen ser semánticamente

motivadas, sino más bien sintácticamente fijas (ver ejemplos 3, 4 y 5).

Por otro lado, las marcas de pasado remoto (=ku) y reciente (=ki), son

clíticos que pueden no estar unidos a la raíz del verbo principal de la cláusula (ver

ejemplos 6 y 8). Estos clíticos no son selectivos respecto al tipo de raíz que pueden

tomar pero sí lo son respecto las marcas de sujeto (sólo DIN). Estas selecciones, de

nuevo, parecen no ser semánticamente motivadas (ver ejemplos 6, 7 y 8).

El sistema resultante de todos estos procesos involucra: diferentes

tipos morfológicos (alternancia de raíces, sufijos, clíticos) y diferentes

niveles de condicionamiento (escogencia de raíces y de sufijos/clíticos). Así, la

expresión del tiempo y el aspecto se realiza a través de un complejo sistema en el

cual los valores semánticos de cada construcción dependen tanto del valor de cada

morfema como de sus restricciones sintácticas (ver TABLA 1). En esta

charla, ilustraré los condicionamientos específicos de los elementos de cada una

de las construcciones, los procesos morfofonológicos que sufren y propondré,

para cada caso, hipótesis acerca de su origen diacrónico. Esta investigación está

basada en datos de primera mano principalmente de habla espontánea recogidos

entre los años 2012 y 2017 con hablantes bilingües nasa yuwe/castellano.

2

(1) ˈwãt=ku suˈsu sabroso=3SG.REAL.DIN sonar/IPFV “Sí que suena bueno” (ˈsus = ‘sonar/PFV’, VI)

(2) ˈãʧa ˈβʲu ˈũs-aˀ ahora dinero COP1/IPFV-3SG.REAL.EST “Como ya hay plata” (ũˈsu = ‘COP1/PFV’, VII)

(3) ˈnapa ˈmaⁿdz-kwe koˈŋɡɾesu=pa ˈkiˀpu-ʦ-tapero cuánto-DIM congreso(es)=ADT poner/IPFV-PROG-3PL.REAL.EST “Pero están haciendo (poniendo) varios congresos” (kiˀp = ‘poner/PFV’)

(4) ẽː=ˈweˀʃ ˈweˀwe-ʦ-aˀarriba=COL hablar/IPFV-PROG-3SG.REAL.EST

“Habla el trueno (lit. el de arriba)” (weˀw = ‘hablar/PFV’, ver ejemplo 8)

(5) tʰuˈse=ˀs ˈspẽˀtʰ-ʝaˀp-aˀrama=DAT.SG partir/PFV-PROS-3SG.REAL.EST “Va a cortar la rama” (spẽˀˈtʰe = ‘partir/IPFV’)

(6) ˈneŋɡa=ɾa=ku=k waˈʝu sal=RST=PAS.REM=3SG.REAL.DIN comprar/IPFV “solamente compraba era sal” (ˈwaj = ‘comprar/PFV’)

(7) ˈtʲã=hu ðesuˈnjon ˈuˀpu=ku=k DEM=ABL desunión(es) COP2/PFV=PAS.REM=3SG.REAL.DIN “desde ahí hubo la desunión” (uˀp = ‘COP2/IPFV’)

(8) ˈweˀw=ki=k ˈkĩh ˈʝase=ŋɡa hablar/PFV=PAS.REC=3SG.REAL.DIN qué llamar.se=2SG.IRR “(hace un rato él) lo dijo, ¿cómo se llama usted?”

TABLA 1. EXPRESIÓN DEL ASPECTO Y EL TIEMPO EN NASA YUWE

CONSTRUCCIÓN RAÍZ ASPECTO TIEMPO (PAS) S(3SG/PL)

BÁSICA PFV/IPFV EST/DIN1

PROGRESIVO IPFV PROG EST

PROSPECTIVO PFV PROS EST

PASADO (REM/REC) PFV/IPFV PAS.REM/PAS.REC DIN

1 Según la clase: VI � DIN; VII, ADJ, NOM, REL � EST.

3

REFERENCIAS

Bickel, B., & Nichols, J. (2007). Inflectional morphology. Dans T. Shopen, Language Typology and Syntactic Description (pp. 169-239). New York: Cambridge University Press.

Dahl, Ö. (1985). Tense and Aspect Systems. Oxford: Blackwell.

Jung, I. (2008). Gramática del páez o nasa yuwe. Descripción de una lengua

indígena de Colombia. Muenchen: LINCOM EUROPA.

Rojas, T. (1998). La lengua Páez: Una visión de su gramática. Bogotá: Ministerio de Cultura.

Timberlake, A. (2007). Aspect, tense, mood. Dans T. Shopen, Language Typology

and Syntactic Description. Volume III: Grammatical Categories and the

Lexicon. New York: Cambridge University Press.

La conjuración de la Madre: Traducción y géneros verbales en murui-muina (uitoto)

Juan Alvaro Echeverri (Universidad Nacional de Colombia Sede Amazonia)

Anastasia Candre fue una escritora, pintora y bailarina ocaina-murui de la Amazonia colombiana que falleció en 2014. Esta ponencia aborda la traducción de un texto inédito suyo en el dialecto mɨnɨka (mini1256, hto) de la lengua murui-muina (uitoto, huitoto, witoto), que consideramos como una de sus obras poéticas mejor logradas. Sin embargo, etiquetar este texto como un “poema” es inexacto. El texto de Anastasia pertenece al género verbal jɨɨra (conjuración), es decir, se trata de un texto performativo. El texto en lengua mɨnɨka que Anastasia dejó estaba bastante bien trabajado, pero su propia versión en español estaba todavía en proceso, dado que se trata de un texto de difícil traducción. En esta ponencia presentamos el texto uitoto, la traducción de Anastasia y ensayamos una traducción alternativa como una manea de acercarnos al sentido de esta pieza.

Sin embargo, para apreciarlo cabalmente es necesario ubicarlo en el contexto de la trayectoria personal y artística de Anastasia y de su relación con sus padres, con los alimentos y plantas cultivadas y su investigación sobre el ritual de frutas. En la primera parte de la ponencia hacemos un breve resumen de la trayectoria personal de Anastasia, su relación con los alimentos y su trabajo sobre el ritual de frutas y la génesis de este texto; y en la segunda presentamos el texto y su traducción y discutimos algunos asuntos lingüísticos, sociolingüísticos culturales involucrados en su traducción.

(1) Eiño jɨɨra ‘Conjuración de la Madre’ (tres primeros párrafos del texto)

Texto mɨnɨka Traducción de Anastasia Traducción nuestra Eiño fareka buinaiño Madre de yuca dulce Madre de yuca dulce Anaba eiño fareka buinaiño Allá abajo madre de la yuca dulce El corazón profundo de la Madre

de yuca dulce Komekɨ farekairena

nayɨaɨna Corazón plantío de yucal dulce Es como senos plenos del zumo

dulce de la yuca Kue jizaɨngodɨ komekɨ Hija, su corazón Y el corazón de mi hija Arɨ kaɨmayɨtayɨ Se sentirá con energía ¡Se colmará de paz!

Eiño manaɨde buinaiño Madre de la frescura Madre de serenidad Anaba eiño manaɨdɨ

buinaiño Allá abajo la madre de la frescura El corazón profundo de la Madre

serena Komekɨ manaɨdɨire nayɨaɨna Corazón, lleno de frescura Es como senos serenos de frescura Arɨ kue jizaɨngodɨ komekɨ Arriba, hija mía su corazón Y el corazón de mi hija Nɨmomona arɨ manaɨyɨtayɨ De dónde, arriba está la frescura ¡Inmensamente se serenará!

Eiño naɨmekɨ buinaiño Madre de hierba dulce Madre de hierba dulce Anaba eiño naɨmekɨre

buinaiño Allá abajo madre de la dulzura El corazón profundo de la Madre

de hierba dulce Komekɨ manaɨdɨ naɨmere Corazón lleno de frescura y

dulzura arriba Es fresco y dulce

Arɨ kue jizaɨngodɨ komekɨ Hija, su corazón de dónde Y el corazón de mi hija Nɨnomona arɨ naɨmeyɨtayɨ Se llena hacia arriba de dulzura ¡Inmensamente se endulzará!

(2) Traducción de los deícticos anaba y arɨ

Uitoto Traducción de Anastasia Traducción nuestra Eiño naɨmekɨ buinaiño Madre de hierba dulce Madre de hierba dulce Anaba eiño naɨmekɨre buinaiño Allá abajo madre de la dulzura El corazón profundo de la

Madre de hierba dulce Komekɨ manaɨdɨ naɨmere Corazón lleno de frescura y dulzura

arriba Es fresco y dulce

Arɨ kue jizaɨngodɨ komekɨ Hija, su corazón de dónde se llena Y el corazón de mi hija Nɨnomona arɨ naɨmeyɨtayɨ Hacia arriba de dulzura ¡Inmensamente se endulzará!

(3) Traducción de la expresión nɨnomona

Uitoto Traducción de Anastasia Traducción nuestra Arɨ kue jizaɨngodɨ komekɨ Arriba, hija mía su corazón Y el corazón de mi hija Nɨmomona arɨ manaɨyɨtayɨ De dónde, arriba esta la frescura ¡Inmensamente se serenará!

Arɨ kue jizaɨngodɨ komekɨ Hija, su corazón de dónde Y el corazón de mi hija Nɨnomona arɨ naɨmeyɨtayɨ Se llena hacia arriba de dulzura ¡Inmensamente se endulzará!

(4) Los nombres de la MadreNo. Uitoto Traducción de Anastasia Traducción nuestra

1 Eiño fareka buinaiño Madre de yuca dulce Madre de yuca dulce 2 Eiño manaɨde buinaiño Madre de la frescura Madre de serenidad 3 Eiño naɨmekɨ buinaiño Madre de hierba dulce Madre de hierba dulce 4 Eiño komuiya buinaiño Madre que da vida Madre que da vida 5 Eiño jaibikɨ buinaiño Madre de la albahaca Madre de albahaca 6 Eiño dɨrɨma buinaiño Madre de la hierba fría dɨrɨma Madre de hierba fría dɨrɨma 7 Eiño chapeyɨ buinaiño Madre de los aromas chape Madre de hierba aromática chapeyɨ 8 Eiño nozeko buinaiño Madre de la hierba de

transformación nozeko Madre de hierba de transformación

nozeko 9 Eiño jirue buinaiño Madre de la frescura Madre de frescura

10 Eiño zuiriya buinaiño Madre de abundancia Madre de abundancia 11 Eiño onaɨra buinaiño Madre de renacimiento Madre de renacimiento 12 Eiño jafira buinaiño Madre de suspirar Madre de suspirar 13 Eiño kaziya buinaiño Madre de despertadora Madre del despertar 14 Eiño erokaiya buinaiño Madre que desvela Madre que cuida y vela 15 Eiño raɨnara buinaiño Madre firme Madre que permanece firme

Algunos textos de Anastasia Candre Candre, A. (2007). Yuakɨ Murui-Muina: Cantos del ritual de frutas de los uitoto. Leticia,

Amazonas: Informe final, Becas de Creación 2007, Ministerio de Cultura (Colombia).

---. (2011). Mooma Mogorotoɨ yoga rafue: yuaɨ buinama uai ikakɨ monifuena arɨ kaɨmo monaiya, okaina imakɨ dɨbenedo = Historia de mi padre Mogorotoɨ “Guacamayo azul”: palabras del ritual de las frutas que llega a nosotros como comida en abundancia, de parte de la gente. Mundo Amazónico, 2, 307–327. Retrieved Sept. 25/2015 from http://www.revistas.unal.edu.co/index.php/imanimundo/article/view/18965

---. (2014a). ¿Quiere saber quién es Anastasia Candre? Amigo lector, aquí estoy. Mundo Amazónico, 5(1), 23–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.15446/ma.v5.45742

---. (2014b). Kaɨmakɨ guiye fɨnuafue = Preparación de los alimentos de nuestra gente. Mundo Amazónico, 5(1), 81–125. http://dx.doi.org/10.15446/ma.v5.45744

Tonogenesis in the Naduhupan family

Patience Epps (University of Texas at Austin)

Tone is widely relevant in northwest Amazonian languages, suggesting an areal

component in its emergence. However, our understanding of tonal systems in these

languages is both synchronically and diachronically limited. This paper considers the

status of tone in the Naduhupan language family and the puzzle it presents for

reconstruction.

The Naduhupan family consists of four languages, of which the most likely

subgrouping is represented in Fig. 1 (Epps & Bolaños 2017; Martins 2005). As

represented in Table 1, Nadëb has contrastive length; Dâw has both contrastive tone and

marginally contrastive length (with a rising and falling contour contrast on long vowels

and atonal short vowels); and Hup and Yuhup have contrastive tone, which patterns in

almost mirror-image fashion in the two languages. Regular correspondences exist among

these values in the respective languages. At the same time, preliminary fieldwork on

Nadëb suggests that non-contrastive pitch contours are realized on long vowels in this

language, while a marginal, non-contrastive lengthening corresponds to contour tones in

Hup and Yuhup.

The question of whether tone or length should be reconstructed to Proto-Nadahup

presents a set of challenges: First, since Hup, Yuhup, and Dâw probably form a subgroup,

the family has only two primary branches, one of which prioritizes tone, the other length.

Second, Hup and Yuhup are in contact with East Tukanoan languages, which have

contrastive tone but no vowel length; Nadëb is in contact with Arawakan languages,

which tend to have contrastive vowel length but no tone; Dâw has had contact with both.

Finally, typological studies of tone and vowel length indicate that while these two

features are widely associated, change from one to the other can go either way, with no

particular directional preference (Gordon 2001; Lehnert-LeHouillier 2013).

While prior proposals have argued that tone should be reconstructed to Proto-

Naduhup (Martins 2005; Barboza 2016), a new look at the phonetic correlates of tone and

length in these languages suggests that it is actually length that was contrastive in the

protolanguage. As I argue here, long vowels would have taken on a non-contrastive rising

and falling contour, depending on coda voicing, as currently attested in Nadëb. Dâw then

phonologized this tonal contrast on long vowels, while maintaining an atonal value

associated with short vowels. Hup and Yuhup lost contrastive length and phonologized a

contour tone on all erstwhile long vowels, with Hup selecting the rising value and Yuhup

the falling one; the former short values then became high and rising, respectively, and the

resulting contours were marginally lengthened. The length > tone change in these

languages was probably motivated by contact with the tonal Tukanoan languages of the

Vaupés, but Nadëb may also have been influenced by the presence of phonemic length in

neighboring Arawakan languages.

The reconstruction of Naduhupan tone is important both for our understanding of

the processes of language contact and change that have gone on in this region, and for a

broader typology of tonogenesis.

Figure 1. The Naduhupan language family

Table 1. Tone and length contrasts in Naduhupan languages

References

Barboza, Lucas Cavalini. 2016. Relatório de qualificação do projeto de pesquisa

“Aspectos da glotalização na língua Dâw: um estudo de fonética experimental”.

Qualification paper, University of São Paulo.

Epps, Patience and Katherine Bolaños. 2017. Reconsidering the ‘Makú’ family of

northwest Amazonia. International Journal of American Linguistics. Gordon, Matthew. 2001. A typology of contour tone restriction. Studies in Language

25(3), 423-462.

Lehnert-LeHouillier, Heike. 2013. From long to short and from short to long: Perceptual

motivations for changes in vocalic length. In Origins of Sound Change, ed. by Alan

C. Yu. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

Martins, Valteir. 2005. Reconstrução fonológica do Protomaku Oriental. Ph.D. diss.,

Vrije Universiteit, Amsterdam.

A. voiceless Phonemic: VV LH LH HL coda (DYH) Phonetic: [LH] [long] [marginally long] [marginally

long] Nadëb Dâw Hup Yuhup

tobacco hũ:t hũt ~hǔt ~hût tapioca nũ:h nũh ~dǔh ~dûh

B. voiced coda Phonemic: VV HL LH HL(DYH) Phonetic: [HL] [long] [marginally long] [marginally

long]Nadëb Dâw Hup Yuhup

achiote hǝ:w hǝw hǝw hǝw tree tǝ:g tǝg těg têg

C. any coda Phonemic: V Atonal H LH(DYH) Phonetic: [short] [short, H] [short or falling &

marginally long][marginally

long]Nadëb Dâw Hup Yuhup

fruit ʔag ʔɛg ʔág ʔǎg flesh dab dɛp d’áp d’ǎp

Naduhup shamanic incantation: A comparative perspective

The role of discourse as a vehicle for language contact is clearly evident in Amazonia

(Beier et al. 2002), and perhaps particularly so in the northwest Amazonian Vaupés region,

where closely similar songs, stories, and other discourse forms are shared among many different

language groups. Shamanic incantation appears to be heavily involved in this discursive

circulation, no doubt facilitated by the social importance of shamans and other ritual specialists

(Hugh-Jones 1996, Epps 2016). Although this genre is still vastly under-documented and poorly

understood, the limited material that exists on incantation among Tukanoan (Reichel-Dolmatoff

1976, Buchillet 1992), Arawakan (Hill 1993), and Naduhupan (Lolli 2010, Ramos 2013, Ramos

& Epps forthcoming) groups suggests that close parallels of poetic and thematic structure exist

across the region. A closer investigation of these parallels promises intriguing insights into the

dynamics of multilingual and multicultural interaction and influence over time, particularly in

relation to ritual practice.

In this paper, we compare parallel incantations documented among the Hup and Yuhup

peoples of the Rio Tiquié that relate to childbirth (exemplified by the Hup fragment in Fig 1).

We offer a textual analysis of two comparable incantation texts in these languages, and identify

the major stylistic and thematic features that characterize them. Our analysis explores questions

of structure, with reference to the major sections and subsections demarcated by parallelism in

the texts; stylistic reliance on particular grammatical resources, such as verbs and affixes that

encode movement and index the shaman’s metaphysical travels; and the central role of metaphor

in detailing the shaman’s actions, as seen in the invocation of mammals with large pelvic bones

to assist in childbirth (Fig. 1). We also consider questions of delivery and performance, including

intonation, melodic and rhythmic properties, intensity, and timbre.

While our primary focus is the comparison of Hup and Yuhup incantation from the

perspective of these two texts, we also contextualize them in the existing documentation of

incantation in northwest Amazonia more widely. A particular point of comparison is offered by

Hill’s (1993) in-depth analysis of childbirth incantation among the Arawakan Wakuenai of

southern Venezuela, which he describes as a musically grounded process of ‘heaping up the

names’ and ‘searching for the names’ of spiritually relevant entities (i.e. involving their listing

and verbal manipulation). Though very limited, the existing literature on Tukanoan incantation

and some brief recorded texts from a Dâw rememberer (Epps fieldnotes) offer additional

perspectives on incantation within the wider region.

Patience Epps (University of Texas at Austin), Pedro Lolli (Universidade de São Paulo), Danilo Paiva Ramos (Universidade Federal de Bahia)

AMAZONICASVII

Tɨhsum ãy d’äh, hɨd tẽh ni tëg kod’ah,

Tɨhsum tẽh ni tëëp ãy nup, hũ d’äh nɨh, hũ d’äh nɨh, hũ pög dɨ’ n’an b’ɨyɨ’

ãh do’ yɨ' bɨh, noha’.

Hũyaw n’an, tõhöd’ n’an, tõh n’an, tah n’an, ãh do’ hũ' yɨ'ɨh.

Sãd’äh, hũ tẽh meh n'an do’ hũ’ yɨ’ɨy, noha’.

Tok sa’ pög dɨ’ n’an b’ɨyɨ' ãh do’oh.

Hũyaw nɨh, hũyaw ãy nɨh tɨnɨh tok kakahat, yuwan tɨh ãyan tok kakah bɨ’ hipemeh.

Tɨhsum ãy d'äh, su’ tëëp ãyanah,

tẽh ni n’ɨh, tẽh niip ãyan noha’,

d’äw tẽh niip ãyan.

Women who first [bear a child], before

they bear a child,

The woman who will bear her first child,

those of the game animals,

those of the game animals,

the largest game animals (of the forest),

I go listing, I say.

The pacas, the collared peccaries, the white-

lipped peccaries, the tapirs,

I list them all.

The others, the small game animals,

I list all those, I say.

I list all those that have largest pelvic bones.

Of the pacas, of the female pacas,

their pelvic areas,

thus I make the pelvic area seated for the

woman.

Women who first [bear a child], for a woman

who will give birth,

in order to bear a child, for the woman who

bears a child, I say,

for the woman who is new to bearing children.

Fig.1.Incantationforthebirthofamother’sfirstchild(fragment)Sr.PoncianoMonteiro,TatDehVillage,2011

ReferencesBuchillet,Dominique.1992.Nobodyistheretohear:Desanatherapeuticincantations.InPortalsof

Power:ShamanisminSouthAmerica,E.JeanMattesonLangdonandGerhardBaer(eds.).Albuquerque:UniversityofNewMexicoPress.

Epps,Patience.2016.Specialistdiscourseandprocessesoflanguagecontactandchange:aNaduhupperspective.PaperpresentedatAmazonicasVI,Colombia.

Hill,JonathanD.1993.KeepersoftheSacredChants:ThePoeticsofRitualPowerinanAmazonianSociety.TucsonandLondon:TheUniversityofArizonaPress.

Hugh-Jones,Stephen.1996.Shamans,prophets,priests,andpastors.InCarolineHumphreyandNicholasThomas(eds.),Shamanism,History,andtheState,32-75.AnnArbor:UniversityofMichiganPress.

Lolli,Pedro.2010.AsredesdetrocasrituaisdosYuhupdehnoigarapéCastanha,atravésdosbenzimentos(mihdɨɨd)edasflautasjurupari(Ti’).PhDthesis,UniversidadedeSãoPaulo,Brazil.

Ramos,DaniloPaiva.2013.Círculosdecocaefumaça:EncontrosnoturnosecaminhosvividospelosHupd’äh(Maku).PhDdissertation,UniversidadedeSãoPaulo.

Ramos,DaniloPaivaandPatienceEpps.Forthcoming.Caminhosdesopro:discursoxamânicoepercursosflorestaisdosHupd’äh.Mana.

Reichel-Dolmatoff,Gerardo.1976.Desanacuringspells:Ananalysisofsomeshamanisticmetaphors.JournalofLatinAmericanLore2(2):157-219.

Silaba epentética en tanimuka

Natalia Eraso Keller (Investigadora independiente)

La lengua tanimuka (tucano oriental) es hablada por unas 500 personas de los grupos tanimuka y letuama que habitan entre los ríos Mirití y Apaporis en la Amazonía colombiana. Es una lengua tonal, con dos tonos alto (A) y bajo (B). El patrón tonal de los verbos es bisilábico. Aunque la lengua no admite palabras monosílabas, fenómeno corriente en las demás lenguas de la misma familia tucano oriental (Stenzel 2007:363), existen raíces verbales monosilábicas. La aparición de una silaba epentética -ri, permite tener bases bisilábicas con raíces monosilábicas1. Esta presentación propone una descripción detallada de la aplicación de los patrones tonales bisilábicos en las raíces monosilábicas. Este fenómeno se expone en la gramática de Strom, pero está bajo estudio (1992:15)2. Para reconocer si un verbo es de base monosílaba se tienen los siguientes elementos: -la aparición de la silaba epentética –ri--una diferente manifestación de la nasalidad-una diferente realización del imperativo

En relación a las bases verbales, estas asocian una melodía tonal distintiva, cuyos patrones tonales son (AB) alto-bajo (AA) alto-alto y (BA) bajo-alto, como puede observarse con el siguiente par mínimo:

1) a. AB ~háà-ɾíká [hãã-ɾíká] ‘mambear’ b. AA ~háá-ɾíká [hãã-ɾíká] ‘matar’ c. BA ~hàá-ɾíká [hãã-ɾíká] ‘empacar’

Los tres morfemas verbales son idénticos en cuanto a su forma segmental, pero asocian cada uno una melodía tonal distinta. Estas melodías tonales aparecen también en bases monosílabas a las cuales se afija –ri-, como se ilustra a continuación:

2) a. AB ~hí-ɾì-ɾíká ‘pelear’ b. AA ~hí-ɾí-ɾíká ‘morir, secarse’ c. BA bà-ɾí-ɾíká ‘nadar’

La hipótesis que se plantea es que la base verbal (C)V + ri, forma una estructura que puede asociar las mismas melodías tonales que se encuentran en las bases bisilábicas; la función de -ri- es servir de soporte tonal para recibir el segundo tono (o tono flotante) de la melodía (Eraso 2015).Como puede observarse en el cuadro (1), las tres melodías AB, AA y BA se despliegan tanto en las bases bisílabas, ilustradas en el ejemplo (1) como en las bases monosílabas (C)V + ri, ilustradas en el ejemplo (2).

1 Esta silaba aparece sufijada tanto a raíces verbales monosilábicas como a ciertos morfemas monosílabos, pero en esta presentación nos enfocamos solamente en los verbos. 2“The rules for assigning stress in the verb phrase are still under study. Part of the pattern involves the epenthetic syllable –ri which can be stressed or unstressed and is epenthesized in order to conform to one or more rules of the stressed pattern”(Strom 1992:15).

Melodía tonal

A. Base verbalbisílaba

B. Base verbalmonosílaba + ri

C. Base verbalmonosílaba+-ju

a

AB

-~háà-ɾíká

A B A

-~hí-ɾì-ɾíká

A B A

-~hí-ɟù

A B b.

AA

-~háá -ɾíká

A A

-~hí-ɾí-ɾíká

A A

-~hí-ɟú

A c.

BA

-~hàá -ɾíká

B A A

-bà-ɾí-ɾíká

B A A

-bà-ɟú

B A Cuadro N°1 asociación de la melodía tonal a bases verbales bisilábicas y monosilábicas

La asociación del tono a una sílaba epentética o a otra sílaba, tiene un condicionamiento. Las raíces verbales sufijan morfemas temporo-aspectuales, de tono fijo o átonos. La aparición de la epéntesis depende de la posibilidad de propagación o de bloqueo del tono. Si los morfemas tienen un tono fijo, caso de –rika (ejs.1, 2), estos bloquean la propagación tonal, y aparece la sílaba epentética para recibir el tono flotante (2 a-c). No se necesita de epéntesis cuando se sufijan a la raíz verbal morfemas átonos, caso de -ɟu glosado como ‘presente’ (4 a-c), pues la melodía puede propagarse sobre este morfema; el tono flotante se asocia a la sílaba átona.

4) a. AB ɟì-~hí-ɟù [ɟìhĩɲũ] ‘yo peleo’ b. AA ɟì-~hí-ɟú [ɟìhĩɲũ] ‘yo muero’ c. BA ɟí-bà-ɟú ‘yo nado’

Bibliografía: ERASO, NATALIA. 2015. Gramática tanimuka, una lengua de la Amazonía colombiana (Tesis doctoral. Phd Diss.) Lyon, Université Lumière Lyon 2, Sciences du Langage. STENZEL, KRISTINE. 2007. Glottalization and Other Suprasegmental Features in Wanano. International Journal of American Linguistics 73.331–366. STROM, CLAY. 1992. Retuara Syntax: Studies in the Languages of Colombia 3.

A Proposal for Proto-Tukanoan Stress

Reconstructions of Proto-Tukanoan (Waltz and Wheeler (1970), Malone (1986), Chacon (2014)) have not thoroughly addressed prosodic phenomena. We seek to fill this gap by providing a preliminary account of Proto-Tukanoan lexical stress.

We focus on Proto-Tukanoan roots of the shape (C)VCV, which we argue were lexically specified for either initial or final stress. Our claim stems from the fact that modern tone patterns in Maih ki, a Western Tukanoan (WT) language, correspond neatly with the distribution of medial ɨ ɨconsonant voicing contrasts in certain Eastern Tukanoan (ET) languages, suggesting that the phenomenon that conditioned both was present in their common ancestor, Proto-Tukanoan.

Maih ki contrasts three tone patterns on roots: LL, HH, and HL. LL tone is found on roots ɨ ɨɨthat are reconstructed to contain / / in Proto-Tukanoan (Wheeler 1992). HH tone corresponds with ʔthe presence of voiceless medial consonants in all other Tukanoan languages, and HL tone corresponds with the presence of voiced medial consonants in Desano and Siriano. In Chacon’s reconstruction of Proto-Tukanoan consonants (2014), differences in the voicing status of medial consonant reflexes in Desano and Siriano are attributed to different consonant series: plain voiceless(*p, *t, *k, *s) and geminate (*tt, *kk). We find, however, that these series do not line up with the Maih ki tone data, as shown in Table (1) below. We propose instead to collapse the geminate and ɨ ɨplain voiceless consonant series, attributing the differences in their reflexes to stress. More specifically, we propose that Maih ki HL tone is a reflex of Proto-Tukanoan initial stress, and that ɨ ɨmedial consonants lenited at the onsets of unstressed syllables in Desano and Siriano.

Chacon (2014) Maih kiɨ ɨ Desano Siriano Gloss Our proposal

*p jahi ~yapi ~yapi ‘sweet potato’ *CVˈpV

*tt ~uti uti uti ‘wasp’ *VˈtV

*kk ~suki jukɨ juku ‘tree’ *CVˈkV

*s ~sese jese jese ‘peccary’ *CVˈsV

*p ~soho - ~subu ‘navel’ *ˈCVpV

*t ~b teɨ ɨ ~bɨre ~bɨre ‘mosquito’ *ˈCVtV

*k ~hiko ~pigu ~pigu ‘tail’ *ˈCVkVTable 1: Correspondence of Maih ki tone patterns with Eastern Tukanoan medial segment voicing.ɨ ɨ

We corroborate our account of Proto-Tukanoan stress with evidence from the distribution of laryngealization in the language family, arguing that / / arose in ET (but not WT) roots in the ʔcontext of a stressed syllable beginning with a consonant from Chacon’s proposed laryngealized series (2014). We also examine evidence of a stress-based nominalization process, for instance in the words for ‘excrement’ and ‘defecate’ (Siona ta, ɨ ~g daɨ ; Tuyuka k ta, k naɨ ɨ ; Barasana g daɨ , g naɨ ). Finally, we propose that Western Tukanoan pluractionality alternations (e.g. Maih ki ɨ ɨ nagu ‘step once’ vs. nagu ‘step multiple times’) show remnants of a productive stress-based morphophonological process. These phenomena are not explained by current segmental reconstructions of Proto-Tukanoan.

In addition to providing novel insights on the correspondence between WT tone patterns andET segments, our account has important implications for the study of the diachrony and co-evolution of tone and stress systems, especially as regards the role of glottal features that may be secondary articulations of stress.

Stephanie Farmer, Ellis Davenport, Connor Miller, Caroline Norfleet, Marisa Peredo, Carolyn Siegman, Giancarlo Sierra (all Macalester College)

Sources

Barasana Literacy Committ ee. 2009. Diccionario bilingüe: Eduria and Barasana–Español, Español–Eduria and Barasana, comp. Paula S. Jones and Wendell H. Jones. Bogota: Editorial Fundacion para el Desarrollo de los Pueblos Marginados.

Brandrup, Beverly Ann (comp.) 1980. Vocabulario siriano-español. Lomalinda: ILV/MG. 128pp.

Chacon, Thiago Costa. 2014. A Revised Proposal of Proto-Tukanoan Consonants and Tukanoan Family Classification. International Journal of American Linguistics, 80.275-322. The University of Chicago Press.

Chacon, Thiago Costa. 2016. The Reconstruction of Laryngeals in Proto-Tukanoan. The Phonetics of Laryngeal Features in Native American Languages, ed. by Heriberto Avelino; Matt Coler; and W. Leo Wetzels, 258-284. Leiden; Boston: Brill.

Gomez-Imbert, Elsa, and Stephen Hugh-Jones. 2000. Introduccion al estudio de las lenguas del Piraparana (Vaupes). Lenguas indigenas de Colombia: Una vision descriptiva, ed. Maria Stella Gonzalez de Perez and Maria Luisa Rodriguez de Montes, pp. 321-56. Bogota: InstitutoCaro y Cuervo.

Malone, T. 1986. Proto-Tucanoan and Tucanoan genetic relationship. Ms., Instituto Linguisticode Verano, Colombia.

Mason, J.A. 1950. The Languages of South American Indians, Bureau of American Ethnology. Bulletin 143, v.6. 157-317.

Michael, Lev; Christine Beier; Stephanie Farmer; Gregory Finley; and John Sylak. 2011.Diccionario Bilingüe Maijɨ ɨɨki–Castellano y Castellano–Maijɨ ɨɨki (version agosto 2011).Ms., Maih ki ɨ ɨɨ Project.

Miller, Marion. 1999. Desano Grammar: Studies in the Languages of Colombia. Dallas: SummerInstitute of Linguistics and the University of Texas at Arlington.

Stenzel, Kristine. 2007. Glottalization and other suprasegmental features in Wanano. IJAL 73:331-66. The University of Chicago Press.

Waltz, Nathan E., and Alva Wheeler. 1972. Proto-Tucanoan. Comparative Studies in Amerindian Languages, ed. by Esther Matteson. 19-49. The Hague: Mouton.

Wheeler, Alva. 1987. Gantëya bain (El pueblo siona del rio Putumayo, Colombia). Bogota: Instituto Lingüistico de Verano. xiv+374+x+159pp. (2 vols.)

Wheeler, Alva. 1992. Comparaciones lingüisticas en el grupo Tucano Occidental. Estudios Comparativos Proto Tucano, ed. by Stephen H. Levinsohn, 17-53. Bogota: Alberto Lleras Camargo.

A historical overview of the emergence of su as a prospective aspect/future

tense auxiliary in Rio Negro Nheengatu

Thomas Daniel Finbow (Universidade de São Paulo)

This paper addresses the changes in the marking strategies for future time and/or prospective aspect in the Nheengatu of the Rio Negro, the principal surviving variety of the Língua Geral Amazônica.

Almost all major nineteenth-century and early twentieth-century descriptions of Nheengatu, e.g., Hartt (1872), Magalhães (1876), Sympson (1876), Tastevin (1910), Stradelli (1926),agree that a so-called “future” reference is indicated by the particle written curi ~ cury ~ kuri.Modern descriptions, e.g., Cruz (2011), Navarro (2011), Floyd (2005), Taylor (1985,1995, 2007), Casanovas (2000), Grenand & Ferreira (1989), reiterate this use of kuri.

Kuri is, however, no longer the primary future/prospective marker in Rio Negro Nheengatu. By far the commonest manner to indicate a prospective or intentional future action in Nheengatu nowadays is with the verb su “go”, employed as an auxiliary, a practice not noted by Moore, Fagundes & Pires (1994) or Rodrigues & Cabral (2011) but discussed synchronically in detail in Cruz (2011).

We argue on the basis of an extensive investigation of historical sources and recent fieldwork that the expansion in the use of su as a prospective-future auxiliary is a relatively recent phenomenon, since although su appears often in verb sequences in older texts, the future/prospective meaning is extremely uncommon, even in material from the first half of the twentieth century, p. ex., Rodrigues (1890), Aguiar (1898), Costa (1909), Amorim (1926), Michaele (1951).

REFERENCES AGUIAR, C. (1898). Doutrina christ� destinada aos naturaes do amazonas em nhihingatu

(com traduc��o portugueza em face). Petr�polis: Pap. e Tip. Pacheco, Silva & C. AMORIM, A., Brandão de (1926). “Lendas em nheengatú e em português”, Revista do

Instituto Histórico e Geográfico Brasileiro, t. 100, vol. 154: 9-478. Rio de Janeiro: Imprensa Nacional.

CASANOVAS, A. (2006). Noções de ligua geral ou nheengatú: gramática, lendas e vocabuário. 2nd edition. Manaus: Universidade Federal do Amazonas/Faculdade Salesiana Dom Bosco.

COSTA, F. (1909). “Elementos necessários para aprender o nheengatu”. In: COSTA, F., Carta pastoral de D. Frederico Costa, Bispo do Amazonas a seus amados diocesanos. Ceará: Typ. Minerva, 157-248.

CRUZ, A. da Silva (2011). Fonologia e gramática do nheengatu. A língua geral falada pelos povos Baré, Warekene e Baniwa. Utrecht: LOT.

FLOYD, S. (2005). “The Poetics of Evidentiality in South American Storytelling”. In: HARPER, L. & JANY, C. (eds.), Santa Barbara Papers in Linguistics 16: Proceedings from the Eighth Workshop on American Indigenous Languages.

GRENAND, F. & FERREIRA, E. H. (1989). Pequeno Dicionário da Língua Geral. Manaus: SEDUC.

HARTT, C. F. (1875). “Notes on the Lingoa Geral or Modern Tupi of the Amazonas”, Transactions of the American Philological Association 3: 58-76.

MAGALHÃES, J. Vieira Couto de, (1876). “Curso de l�ngua geral pelo methodo de Ollendorf – textos de lendas ind�genas”. In: MAGALHÃES, J. Vieira Couto de, O selvagem. Rio de Janeiro: Typ. da Reforma.

MICHAELE, F. A. S. (1951). Manual de conversação da língua tupi. Ponta Grossa, PR: Edições Euclianas (Biblioteca Brasílica), Centro Cultural Euclides da Cunha.

MOORE, D., FAGUNDES, S., PIRES, N. (1994). “Nheengatu (língua geral amazônica), its history and the effects of language contact”. In: LANGDON, M. (ed.), Report 8. Survey of California and Other Indian Languages. Proceedings of the Meeting of the Society of the Indigenous Languages of the Americas (July 2-4, 1993) and the Hokan-Penutian Workshop (July 3rd, 1993). Columbus, Ohio: Ohio State University Press, 93-118.

NAVARRO, E. de Almeida (2011). Curso de língua geral. (nheengatu ou tupi moderno). A língua das origens da civilização Amazônica. São Paulo: Paym Gráfica e Editora.

RODRIGUES, A. Dall’Igna & CABRAL, A. S. Arruda Câmara (2011). “A contribution to the linguistic history of the língua geral amazônica”, Alfa 55 (2): 613-639.

RODRIGUES, J. B. (1890). Poranduba amazonense, ou kochiyma-uara porandub, 1872-1887. Rio de Janeiro: Typ. de G. Leuzinger & Filhos.

SYMPSON, P. L. (1876). Grammatica da língua brasileira (brasílica, tupi ou nheéngatu). 4th ed., Comissão Brasileira de Estudos Pátrios, 1933.

STRADELLI, E. (1926). Vocabulário nheengatu-português, português-nheengatu. TASTEVIN, C. (1923). “Grammatica da língua tupy”, Revista do Muséu Paulista (Separata)

40: 535-763, 1277-1286. TAYLOR, G. (1985). “Apontamentos sobre o Nheengatu falado no rio Negro, Brasil”,

Amérindia: revue d'ethnolinguistique amérindienne 10: 5 - 23. --- (1995). Yasú yampinima yanenheenga! Manaus: Inspetoria Salesiana Missionária da

Amazônia. --- (2007). “Une breve de description du Nheengatu – Langue Générale de l'Amazonie

Brésilienne.” Manuscrito, 17 páginas.

La historia compartida andina y amazónica del kichwa hablado en Ecuador

Simeon Floyd (Universidad San Francisco de Quito), Georgia Ennis (University of Michigan)

La mayoría de investigaciones sobre las lenguas Quechuas del Ecuador, conocidas localmente como ‘kichwa’, refleja la posición que la explicación más probable para la existencia de kichwa en la zona amazónica es la difusión desde los Andes durante los periodos incas y coloniales (e.g. Adelaar y Muysken 2004:12-13). Sin embargo, también existen argumentos persistentes que dicen que habría otro origen independiente o anterior (e.g. Stark 1985). Esta presentación considera estas dos propuestas en base de la evidencia existente para demonstrar que el escenario más factible es difusión desde los Andes, en base de una serie de cambios morfológicos en común, específicamente en los sistemas de cambio de referencia, aspecto verbal, y evidencialidad, entre otras áreas (por ejemplo, cambios fonológicos compartidos). Como kichwa serrano y amazónico comparten todos estas innovaciones, un argumento para innovaciones independientes no es sostenible, señalando un probable origen común, como muchos han sugerido. Después de demonstrar este punto, la presentación considerará los posibles escenarios históricos que corresponderían a los datos lingüísticos, en los cuales poblaciones de familias lingüísticas amazónicas como záparo y chicham se adoptarían un kichwa producto de una historia de consolidación lingüística compartida entre la sierra y el oriente.

Adelaar, Willem F. H., and Pieter Muysken. 2004. The Languages of the Andes. Cambridge University Press. Stark, Louisa R. 1985. Ecuadorian Highland Quechua: History and Current Status. In South American Indian Languages: Retrospect and Prospect. Harriet E. Manelis Klein and Louisa R. Stark, eds. Pp. 443–479. Texas: University of Texas Press.

When Kuikuro women sing Tolo: Poetry in a network of verbal arts between

the worlds of humans and hyper-beings

Bruna Franchetto (Universidade Federal do Rio de Janeiro)

Among the Kuikuro, one of the indigenous groups included in the regional

multilingual system known as “Upper Xingu’, in the Amazonian Southern periphery,

Tolo is feast, dances and songs, performed exclusively by women. It is an Amerindian

musical-vocal art whose characteristics reverberate in many indigenous Amazonian

traditions. Tolo songs form a ritual and musical complex in contrast/complementarity

with that of the flutes kagutu, a male domain and banned from women, as well as with

songs from other 'rituals-festivals' (Jamugikumalu or Itão Kuegü, Hyper-Women, and

Kuambü) and with the chanted speech of the Hagaka cursings. Tolo are short sung poems,

where in place of the name of an itseke ('hyper-being'), called or named by the kagutu

flute, is sung the name of a human lover/beloved. They are narrative brushstrokes of

events, feelings and passions that permeate the daily life of women (and men). Tolo are,

thus, profane musical versions of the kagutu instrumental pieces. In this presentation, the

following aspects will be focused on: (i) the inter-semiotic 'translation' between kagutu

and tolo; (ii) the parallelistic and recursive structure of the tolo songs; (iii) the 'twisted

words' in metaphors and ironies (the multiple meanings of an antinomic and indirect

saying to someone); (iii) the process of transcription and translation (challenges and

impasses), illustrated by examples from a vast and internally complex repertoire of nearly

400 songs documented since 1981.

Tense, aspect, and modality interaction in Mekens

Ana Vilacy Galucio (Museu Paraense Emilio Goeldi/MCTIC)

Verb morphology in Tupian languages is generally associated with person and number

marking, valence changing, and aspectual coding (Rodrigues & Cabral, 2012). That is,

also, the overall case in Mekens, a language of the Tupari branch of the family, in which

verbs show a relatively rich morphology. Verbs and positional auxiliaries are the two

lexical categories that inflect for tense and aspect, but only a few tense and aspectual

notions are expressed by means of verbal affixes. These are the past suffix /-t/, the

remote past suffix /-iat/, and the repetitive suffixe /-ra/, as shown in examples 1-3.

Auxiliaries are among the major word classes of Tupian languages, however, the

properties and definitions that fall within that category vary significantly from language

to language. For instance, Mekens positional auxiliaries have a specific connection with

aspectual distinctions in the language that is unusual in the Tupian family: positional

auxiliaries are the main operators used to express the progressive and durative aspects in

present and past tense clauses, respectively (cf examples 4-5). Besides those few tense

and aspect suffixes and the interaction of the positional auxiliary and progressive aspect,

the major load of tense, aspect and modal (TAM) distinctions in Mekens is primarily

accomplished through the rich system of post-verbal particles found in the language.

The category of particles is a closed class of free forms associated with the coding of

several grammatical functions, and is one of the nine word classes formally

distinguished in Mekens, alongside nouns, verbs, adjectives, pronouns, demonstratives,

auxiliaries, postpositions, and adverbs. Galucio (2001) gave a partial list of almost 30

particles subcategorized in five major groups according to their function. The larger

group is the one associated with TAM distinctions, and can be divided into two broad

subgroups: (epistemic and event) modality, and temporal and aspectual distinctions.

This set of particles occurs after the verb, and are part of the verb phrase (cf. examples

6-9). The particles associated with tense are mutually exclusive, as expected, given their

semantic scope, but tense and aspect particles may co-occur. In this paper, I will

portray the major TAM distinctions coded in main clause in the Mekens language, with

special focus to the interaction found among these three notions, such as the connection

of modal interpretation to the aspectual and temporal operators.

EXAMPLES & REFERENCES

Tense & aspect inflectional morphology

1. aose i-so-a-tman 3S-see-TV-PST‘The man saw him’

2. se-kwar-a-r-iat te o-top mapi=bõ3C-go.hunt-TV-REL-REM.PST FOC 1S-father arrow=DAT ‘My father used to hunt with arrows in those days’

3. kaar-ẽp sete etaop paya-ra then-EMPH 3S FRUST cut.grass-REP ‘Then he started to clear the garden again in vain’

Positional auxiliary stems and progressive aspect

4. o-er-a o-toop1S-sleep-TV 1S-AUX.LYING.PRES‘I am sleeping’

5. o-er-a o-to-a e-e-pubor-a1S-sleep-TV 1S-AUX.LIE.DOWN-TV 2S-INTVZ-arrive-TV ‘I was sleeping when you arrived’

TAM post-verbal particles

6. o-si kora-a kot. Set. 1S-mother search-TV IM.FUT go ‘“I am going to look for my mother”. (he) left’

7. arop te kera o-i-may pek? WH FOC NON.ASSERT 1S-NMZ-tell FUT‘What will I tell?’

8. poret sete kerep kẽra sete then/now 3S enter NON.ASSERT 3S ‘Then he entered, it seems’

9. sete aose=na eteet op kupka poot o-uku õ-a 3S person=VBLZ HYP DEM.LIE log old 1S-water give-TH.V ke te sete QUOT true 3S ‘Then he said: “if it were a person, this old log would give me water”’.

REFERENCES

Galucio, A. V. 2001. The Morphosyntax of Mekens (Tupi). University of Chicago, Chicago, Ph.D. Dissertation.

Rodrigues, Aryon. D., Ana Suely S. Cabral. 2012. Tupían. In Campbell and Grondona (eds.), The Indigenous Languages of South America: a Comprehensive Guide. Berlin/Boston: Walter de Gruyter, 2012. p. 495-574.

Which Nominalizations become which T-A values?

Spike Gildea (University of Oregon)

Most surveys of which sources give rise to which Tense-Aspect distinctions (e.g. Bybee

et al 1994; Heine & Kuteva 2002) list lexical verbs that become grammatical tense, e.g. ‘come’ > ‘NEAR PAST’, ‘go’ > ‘FUTURE’, ‘finish’ > ‘PERFECTIVE’, ‘sit/lie’ > ‘DURATIVE’, etc. However,

neither source gives a single example in which a nominalizer is the direct source of any

innovative tense or aspect distinction.1 In Amazonia, there are multiple examples of

nominalizations that directly become markers of aspect and/or tense on main clause verbs, with

no main clause verb (except sometimes a copula) whose lexical value gives rise to a tense-aspect

auxiliary. This presentation surveys which kinds of tense-aspect values come from which kinds

of nominalizations.

Most of the clear reconstructions of these changes are in the Cariban family, for which

Gildea (1998, 2012) has reconstructed much of the main clause verbal morphology of modern

languages. Innovative T-A distinctions that come from nominalizations are attested (so far) in

Akawaio, Arara, Bakairi, Cariña, Ikpéng, Katxuyana, Kuikuro, Makushi, Panare, Pemón,

Yawarana, and Ye’kwana. The number in the first column represents the number of languages in

which the innovation is attested.

12 *-rɨ ‘ACTION.NZR’ à UNIVERSAL/GENERAL > IMPERFECTIVE > PRESENT > FUTURE

6 *-tɨpɨrɨ ‘PAST.ACTION.NZR’ à PERFECT > PERFECTIVE > PAST

6 *-tjapə ‘ABS.NZR’ à PERFECT / PASSIVE

2 *-topo-pe ‘CIRC.NZR-PRP à PURPOSE > FUTURE

1 *-ne(mï) ‘A.NZR’ à HABITUAL > FUTURE

In 12 Cariban languages, the action nominalizer becomes timeless, then imperfective,

present and future. There are no other language families with similar changes.

In 6 Cariban languages, the past action nominalizer becomes a perfective, then a past

tense; in the Gê language family, the NONFINITE (long) form of the verb has become a perfect in

Mebẽgokré (Salanova 2007) and a simple past in Canela (Castro Alves 2004, 2010).

In 6 Cariban languages, the absolutive nominalizer becomes a resultative perfect, then an

anterior tense; in isolate Trumai (Guirardello 1999), the absolutive nominalizer becomes a focus

construction (which does not gain a tense-aspect value).

In 2 Cariban languages, the purpose nominalizer becomes future.

In 1 Cariban language, the agent nominalizer becomes a habitual, then a future; in

Panoan language Matses (Fleck 2003), the agent nominalizer becomes habitual.

While not 100% consistent, the consistency of mapping from particular type of

nominalization to specific tense-aspect suffix appears to have a semantic explanation: A

nominalizations are about potential or habitual agents, so become habitual or future. P

nominalizations (included in absolutive) are about patients (who are already affected by an

event), so naturally lead to resultative and then perfect. Action nominalizations are about events

in the abstract, hence without a well-defined temporal profile; they become imperfective, which

also have a poorly defined temporal profile.

1Bybee et al (1994:185) mention a ‘name of action’ NZR > future-projecting infinitive sense in Temne

Bybee, J., R. Perkins, and W. Pagliuca. 1994. The Evolution of Grammar: Tense, Aspect and Modality in the Languages of the World. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.

Fleck, David. 2003. A grammar of Matses (Panoan). Houston: Rice University PhD thesis.

Guirardello, Raquel. 1999. A grammar of Trumai. Houston: Rice University PhD thesis.

Heine, Bernd & Tania Kuteva. 2002. World Lexicon of Grammaticalization. Cambridge:

Cambridge University Press.

Gildea, Spike. 1998. On Reconstructing Grammar: Comparative Cariban Morphosyntax.

Oxford: Oxford University Press.

Gildea, Spike. 2012. Linguistic Studies in the Cariban Family. Handbook of South American Languages, ed. by Lyle Campbell & Veronica Grondona, 441-494. Berlin: Mouton de

Gruyter.

Salanova, A.P. 2008. Uma análise unificada das construções ergativas em Mẽbengokre.

Amérindia 32.109-134. Castro Alves, Flávia. 2004. O timbira falado pelos Canela Apaniekrá: uma contribuição aos

estudos da morfossintaxe de uma língua Jê. Campinas: Universidade Estadual de

Campinas PhD thesis

Castro Alves, Flávia. 2010. Evolution of case-marking in Timbira. International Journal of American Linguistics 76.439-475.

AS

Hervorheben

AS

Hervorheben

AS

Notiz

Accepted festgelegt von AS

Expresión del aspecto a través de postura asociada y movimiento asociado en

namtrik (familia barbacoa suroccidente colombiano)

Geny Gonzales Castaño (Laboratoire Dynamique du Langage – DDL, Université Lumière Lyon II; GELPS, Universidad del Cauca, Colombia)

En la variante de namtrik hablada en Totoró (ISO gum: dialecto Guambiano, ttk:

dialecto Totoró) los predicados simples no presentan morfología aspectual y su

interpretación depende del modo de acción del verbo, actividades son interpretadas

como pasado perfectivo (1) y verbos de estado como presente simple (2). Otro tipo de

categorías aspectuales son expresadas a través de predicados complejos, formados

por uno o más verbos no finitos (VNF) y un verbo finito auxiliar (VF) [(Vnf)VnfVF].

Los VNF reciben los morfemas de prospectivo -tr PROS, los nominalizadores

verbales -ik NMZ.SG y -elɨ NMZ.PL o el morfema de aspecto durativo (-ap/-ip/-ɨp)

(3-8). La tabla 1 muestra las posibles estructuras morfológicas de los VNF. Los

verbos auxiliares (ver tabla 2) contribuyen también con información aspectual al

predicado. Aunque la estructura de los predicados complejos ha sido tratada en

namtrik (Triviño 1994; Vásquez 1994; Pabón 1989) su sistema aspectual aún no ha

sido descrito. El propósito de esta presentación es describir el aspecto en namtrik a

partir de las posibilidades combinatorias del sistema, entre VNF y auxiliares, y

sus correlatos semánticos, basándose en datos nuevos de primera mano.

Tabla 1Estructura morfológica V2 Tabla 2Verbos auxiliares namtrik

TIPO

FORMA VNF INTERPRETACIONES

ASPECTUALES

FORMAS

VERBALES

NO FINITAS

V-DUR acción en curso V-PROS-DUR acción por

desarrollarse

NOMINALIZ

ACIONES

VERBALES

V-PROS-DUR-NMZ actor de acción pordesarrollarse

v-NMZ actor en estado resultado de VNF

V-DUR-NMZ actor de acción en desarrollo

La extensión del uso de verbos de postura para expresar el aspecto ha sido

documentada (Kuteva 1999), el namtrik presenta una interesante extensión del uso de

predicados locativos, de propiedad y existencia, formados por verbos de postura y la

cópula kɨ-, para expresar categorías aspectuales (3, 4), la cual no ha sido documentada

ni descrita en profundidad. También observamos el uso de predicados con movimiento

asociado (MA) (Guillaume 2017) para expresar diferentes tipos de aspecto por ejemplo

habitual (5) o prospectivo (6). Además de los predicados formados por dos verbos, el

sistema del namtrik hace uso de una gran variedad de construcciones formadas por más

de dos verbos (7,8) con diferentes configuraciones morfológicas, las cuales no han sido

abordadas en estudios precedentes. Esta presentación contribuye a la descripción de la

lengua namtrik, muy poco descrita, y a la literatura sobre la expresión del aspecto en las

lenguas del mundo y en particular de las de los andes y la amazonia.

AUXILIARES SG PL

POSICION SENTADO wa- putr- PARADO pasr- pɨntr- COLGADO mekua- mel- ACOSTADO tso- war-

MOVIMIENTO IR ya- amp- ANDAR un- amɨn- VENIR atru- amtro-

OTROS COPULA kɨ-

(1) nai noshkai yautomai yanNa-wai noshkai yauto-mai ya-an 1-GEN hijo Popayán-DIR ir.SG-NOEGOmihijosefueaPopayán

(2) an=pe mesa-yu war-anplata=PD mesa-LOC acostado.PL-NOEGO ‘laplataestáenlamesa(acostada)’

(3) diez casas [mutsip pasran] nai piwandiez casas muts-ip pasr-an na-wai pi-wan diez casas tomar-DUR parado.SG-NOEGO 1-GEN agua-OM‘10casastomanmiagua’

(4) ɨnɨpesi marɨpik kɨnɨ-nɨ=pe-si mar-ɨp-ik kɨ-an DIST-3=PD-sí hacer-DUR-NMZ.SG COP-NOEGOLibre:ellastejenPredicadonoverbal:ellassontejedoras

(5) linch-ap amɨn-anacompañar-DUR andar.PL-NOEGOLibre:hansidoparejaporalgúntiempoLit:andanjuntos/MA:sedesplazanjuntos.

(6) yu misak inchape chineken [pailantra amɨn]yu misak incha=pe chineken paila-ntr-ap amp-mɨ-an LOC gente entonces=PD nada bailar-PROS-DUR ir.PL-NEG-NOEGO‘Entoncesnovanabailarnada’

(7) unɨpe parin [pirap tsopik kɨn]unɨ=pe parin pira-ap tso-ap-ik kɨ-an niño=PD mucho bañar-DUR estar.acostado.SG-DUR-NMZ.SG COP-NOEGO‘Elniñoseestababañando’

(8) yapallush [marik kɨpɨk kɨn] tiempopeyapallush mar-ik kɨ-ap-ɨk kɨ-an tiempo=pe tumbado hacer-NMZ.SG COP-DUR-NMZ.SG COP-NOEGO tiempo=PD‘Eltumbadoerahechoenesetiempo’

Referencias:

Guillaume, Antoine. 2017. «Sistemas complejos de movimiento asociado en las lenguas

Takana y Pano: perspectivas descriptiva, tipológica e histórico-comparativa.» AMERINDIA

39(1):211-261.

Kuteva, A. Tania. 1999.«On ‘sit’/‘stand’/‘lie’ auxiliation.» Linguistics 37–2, 1999: 191–213.

Pabón Triana, Marta.1989. Las cópulas en Totoró. Magister En Etnolingüística Universidad de

los Andes Bogota-Colombia.

Triviño Grazón, Lilia. 1994. «Hacía una tipología de la predicación en la lengua guambiana.»

Bull. Inst, fr. études andines, 23 (3): 601-618.

Vásquez de Ruiz, Beatriz. 1994. «La oración compuesta en guambiano.» Bull. Inst. fr. études

andines, 23 (3): 619-637.

Sound-symbolism in narratives:

On ideophones and other expressive strategies in Amazonian Kichwa

Karolina Grzech (SOAS, University of London), Nilo Andy, Jacobo Chimbo & Wilma Aguinda

Ideophones are ‘marked words that depict sensory imagery’ (Dingemanse 2011), which stand out from other words in a given language on the basis of their phonological and morphosyntactic properties, as well as the kind of meaning they convey. These depictive, or ‘mimetic’ words are relatively common cross-linguistically (cf. Voeltz & Kilian-Hatz 2001; Dingemanse & Akita 2017), as well as in Amazonian languages (Reiter 2012), including Pastaza Kichwa (Nuckolls 1996). This talk focuses on ideophones and other means of expressing sound-symbolism attested in Tena Kichwa, a dialect of Amazonian Kichwa spoken in the Napo province of Ecuador, and closely related to Pastaza. An example of a Tena Kichwa ideophone in use is given in (1):

(1)

Mashti machete, ichilla machete-wa, tias tias tias tias

what.is.it machete small machete-INSTR IDEO IDEO IDEO IDEO ‘Whatsitsname….machete, [you have to form the recipient] with little machete tias tias tias

tias… (with a series of short, fast blows). KICHB02DIC2011CESARTAPUY 0039

Tena Kichwa ideophones most often describe manner, sound, type of action, direction, speed or characteristics of movement. They ‘stand out’ both prosodically and syntactically from their linguistic context, and co-occur with and other strategies used for ‘mimetic’ purposes, such as special phonation (breathy/creaky voice) or vowel lengthening. These means are used frequently in Kichwa oral narratives, especially those involving dynamic events.

Our discussion of the role ideophones play in oral narrative will be based on a ca. 20h corpus of naturalistic spoken Tena Kichwa, transcribed and translated into Spanish by Kichwa native speakers. The presentation will consist of two parts. In the first one, we will give a brief introduction into the Tena Kichwa documentation project carried out between 2013 and 2017. In particular, we will discuss the considerations behind the creation of the documentary, audio-visual corpus on which we base our analysis of ideophones, and the community involvement in its creation. Following on from that, we will discuss the meanings of some of the most strongly conventionalised sound-symbolic expressions in Tena Kichwa, with special focus on the kind of ‘sensory imagery’ (cf. Nuckolls 1996) these expressions bring into narratives.

As shown in (1), the ideophone tias expresses a complex idea of ‘cutting something with quick, strong blows of a machete’. Since the action that tias refers to is repetitive, the ideophone is reduplicated to reflect its rhythm. Similarly complex images are evoked by other Kichwa ideophones. Situating our analysis within the existing literature of Kichwa narratives (e.g. Uzendoski & Calapucha-Tapuy 2014), we will discuss examples of usage from mythical and personal narratives, and show how they combine with other expressive strategies, and how they incite the hearers to interpret the storyline in a particular way, desired by the speaker.

References

DINGEMANSE, Mark. 2011. The Meaning and Use of Ideophones in Siwu. Nijmegen: Max Planck Institute for Psycholinguistics.

DINGEMANSE, Mark & Kimi AKITA. 2017. An inverse relation between expressiveness and grammatical integration: On the morphosyntactic typology of ideophones, with special reference to Japanese. Journal of Linguistics 53(03). 501–532. doi:10.1017/S002222671600030X.

NUCKOLLS, Janis B. 1996. Sounds Like Life: Sound-Symbolic Grammar, Performance, and

Cognition in Pastaza Quechua. First Edition. Oxford: Oxford University Press. REITER, Sabine. 2012. Ideophones in Awetí. PhD Thesis. Kiel: University of Kiel. UZENDOSKI, Michael & Edith Felicia CALAPUCHA-Tapuy. 2014. The ecology of the spoken

word: Amazonian storytelling and shamanism among the Napo Runa. VOELTZ, Erhard Friedrich Karl, Christa KILIAN-Hatz (eds.) 2001. Ideophones: papers

presented at the 1st International Symposium on Ideophones held Jan. 1999, St.

Augustin, Ger. (Typological Studies in Language 44). Amsterdam: John Benjamins.

Poetics meets software:

issues with machine translation of Napo Runa wedding songs

Karolina Grzech (SOAS, University of London), Anne Schwarz (Independent)

The Napo Runa are an ethnic group that inhabits Lowland Ecuadorian Amazon along the banks of the Napo River. They speak various dialects of Amazonian Kichwa, which are mutually intelligible, but differ substantially from Highland Ecuadorian Kichwa, mostly on the basis of their lexicon and phonology. The Napo Runa have a rich tradition of verbal art (cf. e.g. Uzendoski & Calapucha-Tapuy 2014), which includes unique styles of storytelling and a wide variety of ceremonial songs performed at different occasions. The speaking styles employed by the Napo Runa in storytelling and singing can differ substantially from the everyday use of language.

In this talk, we explore the stylistic differences between everyday use of language and ritual speech and the issues they raise for translation, in particular for machine-mediated translation. The point of departure for our discussion are Napo Runa wedding songs. They are traditionally performed by a virsaru - singer and drummer who improvises the song, and is accompanied by a violinist (for more details on the symbolism of Napo Runa weddings, see Uzendoski 2005: ch. 3). The wedding songs have a characteristic rhythm, in which each verse consists of 3 units of 4 syllables and a final 3-syllable unit. In this genre, both the word order and the pragmatically-motivated morphological marking are conditioned by the rhythm. A preliminary study based on a 13h corpus of Kichwa discourse has shown that the enclitic =ga, associated with topicality/presupposed information (cf. Grzech 2016a), occurs on verbal hosts (particularly on 1SG) much more frequently in wedding songs than in other genres. Moreover, in wedding songs =ga is much more prone to occur several times within the same clause than it is in any other genre, and it also co-occurs with epistemic authority enclitics =mi/=ma, in a combination judged as ungrammatical in any other context. The emphatic enclitic =ri also patterns differently in wedding songs. It is more frequent there than in everyday discourse, and these songs are the only genre in which it was attested on adverbial hosts (Grzech 2016b: ch. 3). The use of both these enclitics in a wedding song is exemplified in (1) below.

This talk focuses on the issues that the unusual word order and clitic distribution in wedding songs causes for their translation into Spanish. We focus in particular on machine translation, relating our experience of creating a parallel corpus of Amazonian Kichwa and Spanish with the use of SDL Trados Studio software. The software detects strings of words which have previously been translated and automatically offers their translation into the target language - in this case, Spanish. Weddings songs are a good source material for machine translation, as they offer a lot of repetitions and frequent collocations. On the other hand, the more liberal use of discourse enclitics in this genre, as well as a specific rhythm, poses a challenge to the researchers overseeing the translation process. The use of enclitics has implication for the information structure within the text, so decisions need to be made as to how - and whether - these alterations are to be reflected in translation. The same applies to the rhythm, as the researcher needs to decide whether it is more important to reflect the stylistic features of this specific genre, or whether to focus chiefly on reflecting its meaning. We discuss and justify the choices we’ve made in both these respects.

(1)Rukuyaya mandacionda paktashkalla rukuyaya mandacion-ta pakta-shka=lla grandfather request-ACC accomplish-ANT=LIM

kunagayri kari yaya wasimandam kuna=ga-y=ri kari yaya wasi-manda=mi/ma now=ga-EPHEN=EMPH man father house-ABL=mi/ma

ikunata lugartaga chariwangi nikaniga, ikunata lugar-ta=ga chari-wa-ngi ni-ka-ni=ga enter-ACC free-ACC=ga have-1OBJ-2 say-PST-1=ga

pagrinulla compañalla nikanigam… pagrinu=lla compaña=lla ni-ka-ni=ga=mi/ma.. godfather=LIM godfather’s.assistant=LIM say-PST-1=ga=mi/ma

‘After delivering on the grandfather’s request, now you are free to enter into [lit. from] the house of the groom’s father, I said, [to you] Godfather and Compaña [Godfather’s assistant]…’

References

Grzech, Karolina. 2016a. The marker =ga and topicality in Tena Kichwa. SOAS Working Papers in Linguistics 18. 31–50.

Grzech, Karolina. 2016b. Discourse enclitics in Tena Kichwa: A corpus-based account of information structure and epistemic meaning. SOAS, University of London Unpublished PhD Thesis.

Uzendoski, Michael A. 2005. Los napo runa de la amazonía ecuaatoriana. Ediciones Abya-Yala.

Uzendoski, Michael & Edith Felicia Calapucha-Tapuy. 2014. The ecology of the spoken word: Amazonian storytelling and shamanism among the Napo Runa.

Kaleidoscope of negation marking in the languages of the Eastern foothills: Towards

some patterns and their explanations

Olga Krasnoukhova & Johan van der Auwera (University of Antwerp)

In research on negation, the eastern part of South America, which roughly corresponds to the Andean sphere, stands outs for a number of reasons. We know from large typological studies that the South American continent as such can be regarded as a macro-area with a predominance of postverbal single negation strategy (Dryer 2013, Vossen 2016). Not only the strong tendency for postverbal negation that is prominent here, but also the morphologically bound nature of negation markers: predominantly suffixing as opposed to negation by free elements. It is not unlikely that structural characteristics of a verbal predicate (i.e. mainly agglutinative and, on average, highly synthetic, with a strong tendency towards suffixation and prefixation only marginally - cf. Doris Payne 1990: 214-215, inter alia) play a role in developing and maintaining such a pattern. While postverbal single negation strategy is found in related and unrelated languages all across South America (Vossen 2016: 266), the eastern part of the continent is an area where languages with the preverbal strategy, as well as the double negation strategy, are concentrated (see also Vossen 2016: 261). There is little doubt that the double-marking Quechuan and Aymaran languages, spoken in this area, are responsible for this overall effect; however, many languages from smaller language families found in the Andean foothills similarly have the preverbal and the double marking strategy (e.g. Zaparoan, Candoshi-Shapra, Peba-Yagua, Muniche, to mention just a few). Curiously, some related languages (for example, the Zaparoan languages Iquito, Arabella and Zaparo-Abishira, and the Cahuapanan languages Jebero and Shawi) do not share the form of the negation markers within their respective family, nor do they share a negation pattern. This may be indicative of developments, either diachronic or contact-related, which are more recent, and pertain to individual languages rather than to a family. On the other hand, we have cases like the Chicham family, with its two postverbal negative markers -tsu and -tʃa/sh/cha shared across the family (see Overall 2007: 324, 481 for Aguaruna, Fast & Fast 1981:23, 68, 93 for Ashuar-Shiwiar, Peña 2015:637 for Huambisa, and Saad 2014:94-95 for Shuar). In all the Chicham languages, these negative markers occur close to the verb root and are followed by other verbal morphology; thus suggesting that they are well-integrated in the verbal complex and constitute older structures. However, these negative markers are very similar to the ones in Ecuadorian and Amazonian Quechua varieties suggesting that these may be borrowings (Saad 2014:95-96, referring to Floyd p.c. and Adelaar with Muysken 2004: 443). Interestingly, in this case we only have the forms and not the pattern that has been borrowed, since the negative markers in the Quechua varieties occur on the verb-periphery (see Pineda-Bernuy 2014), rather than close to the verb root. Another example is Urarina (isolate), which marks standard verbal negation by means of suffixes (-ene/-a/-e/-i, cf. Olawsky 2006: 484). However, Urarina has two constructions for emphatic negation, which involve an additional negative element placed in front of the verb. One of these negative emphasizers is the form kwatia, related to the prohibitive marker kwa (Olawsky 2006: 556, 559). First, the form kwa and kwatia are intriguingly similar to preverbal standard negation element taykwa and the prohibitive –akwa in the Zaparoan Zaparo-Abishira (data from Peeke 1962: 130, 213 and

Moya 2007: 198, 174). Second, the emergence of the preverbal negative strategy (currently used for emphasis) in the first place could have been prompted by languages in the area with a preverbal negation (for example, Zaparoan, or to the neighboring Kokama-Kokamilla (Tupí-Guarani). This paper pinpoints a number of such cases and offers a discussion of possible developments taking place in the languages of the area in focus.

References:

Adelaar, Willem with the collaboration of Pieter Muysken. 2004. The languages of the Andes. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Dryer, Matthew. 2013. Order of negative morpheme and verb. In Matthew Dryer & Martin Haspelmath (eds.) The World Atlas of Language Structures Online. Leipzig: Max Planck Institute for Evolutionary Anthropology. (Available online at http://wals.info/chapter/143, Accessed in Feb 2016).

Fast, Gerhard and Fast, Ruby. 1981. Introducción al idioma achuar. (Documento de Trabajo, 20.) Lima: Ministerio de Educación and Instituto Lingüístico de Verano.

Moya, Ruth. 2007. Esbozo gramatical de la lengua sápara. Quito: UNESCO.

Olawsky, Knut. 2006. A Grammar of Urarina. Mouton Grammar Library, 37. Berlin, New York: Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter.

Overall, Simon. 2007. A Grammar of Aguaruna. Doctoral dissertation, La Trobe University.

Payne, Doris L. 1990. Morphological characteristics of Amazonian languages. In Doris L. Payne (ed.) Amazonian linguistics: Studies in lowland South American languages, 213-241. Austin, Texas: University of Texas Press.

Peeke, M. Catherine. 1962. Structural summary of Záparo. In Benjamin F. Elson (ed.), Studies in Ecuadorian Indian languages 1, 125-216. Norman, Oklahoma: Summer Institute of Linguistics of the University of Oklahoma.

Peña, Jaime G. 2015. A grammar of Wampis. Doctoral dissertation, Eugene: University of Oregon.

Pineda‐Bernuy, Edith. 2014. The development of standard negation in Quechua: A reconstruction. In Mosegaard Hansen & Visconti (eds.) The Diachrony of negation, 83‐127. [Studies in Language Companion Series 160.] Amsterdam: John Benjamins.

Saad, George. 2014. A sketch grammar of Shuar. MA thesis, Radboud Universiteit Nijmegen. Vossen, Frens. 2016. Towards a typology of the Jespersen Cycles. Doctoral dissertation,

University of Antwerp.

Verbal prosody in Yukuna

Magdalena Lemus Serrano (Université Lyon 2/CNRS)

The goal of this paper is to offer a detailed account of verbal prosody in Yukuna (North-Amazonian Arawak). Arawak languages show a great diversity with regards to their prosodic systems (Wetzels and Meira 2010). Languages from the North-Amazonian branch are often described as having a “pitch-accent” system (Aikhenvald 2003), namely, a system in which “…pitch is the primary correlate of prominence and there are significant constraints on the pitch patterns for words...” (Bybee, Chakraborti, and Scheibman 1998, 277). This description also applies to Yukuna. However, previous studies (Schauer and Schauer 1972; Lemus Serrano 2016) had failed to grasp the role of pitch in the prosody of the language, and proposed an analysis in terms of a stress system. Robayo (2016) was the first to point out the tonal aspects of the language, but his study was based on a small fraction of the paradigm of verbal roots.

This paper aims at providing an in-depth description of the word-level prosody of the language, on the basis of a first-hand corpus of approximately 60 paradigms of verbal roots, each including about 30 different forms. Each target word was recorded three times, in non-final position within a frame sentence. The recordings were made with one female speaker, using a Zoom H4N and a Shure Beta 53 Omnidirectional Condenser Headworn Microphone.

The major findings revealed by this data are that: a. Surface tonal patterns are made up of four different tones: L, M, H, HL (falling); b. There is at least one H peak within the word (*#LL#), each peak possibly containing several adjacent H moras; c. L tone is not obligatory, as there can be words with only H (#HH#); d. Once the pitch drops, it can rise again, but always below the height of the preceding H peak (Figure 1); e. The position of H peaks is largely unpredictable and variable, as a single verbal root can display several surface tonal patterns throughout its paradigm (Table 1); f. According to the tonal variations they display, roots can be grouped together in five distinct lexical classes; and lastly, g. The surface realization of most affixes depends on the lexical class of the root they attach to. Each claim will be illustrated with support from both sound files and spectrograms.

After describing the detail of the surface tonal patterns attested, we will conclude by discussing the possible analyses of Yukuna’s underlying prosodic system, and by comparing the features of this system to the tonal and the stress prototypes, following Hyman (2009). In doing so, this paper will contribute to the general knowledge on the typology of word-prosodic systems in the Arawak family, and more generally, in Amazonian languages.

Figure 1 - Spectrogram of [ɾaʱmuɾitʃatʃí] ‘that he plunges’

Table 1 - Tonal alternation of root /iˀɦna/ ‘to go’

2SG-V (IMP) [p-iˀɦna]

V-SG.NF [iˀɦna-ɾi]

3SG.NF-V-PROG [ɾ-iˀɦna-ka]

3SG.NF-V-FUT2 [ɾ-iˀɦna-hi ka]

3SG.NF-V-NEG-FUT1 [ɾ-iˀɦna-la-he]

References

Aikhenvald, Alexandra. 2003. A Grammar of Tariana, from Northwest Amazonia.

Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Bybee, Joan L., P. Chakraborti, and J. Scheibman. 1998. “Prosody and Segmental Effect:

Some Paths of Evolution for Word Stress.” Studies in Language 22:267–314.

Hyman, Larry. 2009. “How (Not) to Do Phonological Typology: The Case of Pitch-Accent.”

Language Sciences 31:231–38.

Lemus Serrano, Magdalena. 2016. “Observations Sociolinguistiques et Description

Phonologique Du Yukuna : Langue Arawak de l’Amazonie Colombienne.” Mémoire

de Master 2. Université Lumière Lyon 2.

Robayo, Camilo. 2016. “Introducción a La Prosodia de La Palabra Verbal En Yukuna

(Familia Arawak).” Unpublished manuscript.

Schauer, Junia, and Stanley Schauer. 1972. “Fonologia Del Yucuna.” In Sistemas

Fonológicos de Idiomas Colombianos 1, translated by Jorge Arbelaez, 65–76.

Lomalinda: Townsend. http://www-01.sil.org/americas/colombia/pubs/12252.pdf.

Wetzels, Léo, and Sergio Meira. 2010. “A Survey of South American Stress Systems.” In A

Survey of Word Accentual Patterns in the Languages of the World, edited by Harry

van der Hulst, Rob Goedemans, and Ellen van Zanten, 313–81. Berlin: Walter de

Gruyter.

A categorização das referências na língua Guajá e na “língua” dos Karawara

A categorização consiste em um processo de cognição por meio do qual é possível apreender e conhecer tanto o universo físico exterior como o universo psicológico interior do ser humano, ao passo em que permite que o organismo reduza a variação ilimitada que existe no mundo a proporções neurologicamente controláveis. A categorização linguística, então, pode ser entendida como “o modo em que a matéria-prima ontológica torna-se matéria simbólica. E nesse processo, cada língua e cada cultura vai deixar a marca de sua visão de mundo” (Regúnaga 2012:13). Os Awa Guajá, povo indígena que vive no noroeste do estado do Maranhão, afirmam que os karawara, um certo tipo de humanos que habita outra dimensão (iwa “céu”: o mundo para onde vão os que já morreram), têm outra língua (amõa i’iha “a língua/fala é outra”). Segundo os Awa Guajá, conforme relata Garcia (2011), uma das diferenças entre os karawara e os awa é o fato de os primeiros falarem uma língua diferente. Por exemplo, enquanto a palavra para "humanos" na língua Guajá é awa, na língua celeste é karawara. De acordo com os Awa Guajá, a tradução para karawara é simplesmente “humano”, porém em outra língua, uma língua falada pelos awa que estão no céu, e lá, no falar deles, sua autodenominação é karawara. A língua dos karawara, uma vez operada pelos humanos, é um meio de cura de doentes, além de ser ela que conecta os diferentes mundos, universos diferenciados muito enfatizados pela cosmologia Awa Guajá. Garcia (op.cit.) resume o falar dos karawara como a linguagem do xamanismo, pensando-o como um conjunto de procedimentos de cura e conexões de mundos sensíveis: vivos e mortos, céu e terra. Por meio da análise dos cantos dos karawara é possível afirmar que a “outra língua” da qual falam os Awa Guajá trata-se de uma variante do Guajá, que se diferencia por conter itens lexicais diferentes das variantes presentes na fala corrente das aldeias. Os morfemas gramaticais e a ordem de palavras se mantêm as mesmas nas duas variantes. Há, no entanto, o uso de morfemas lexicais distintos (ao invés de wari para ‘guariba’, usa-se tawamy; ao invés de ’upara ‘comer’, usa-se me’e, por exemplo) na denominação das referências e eventos/ações. Além disso,a denominação para ‘mata’, na fala dos karawara é um Sintagma Nominal (SN) complexo quedescreve o referente literalmente como ‘a primeira folha de árvore’.Outros itens lexicais da varianteAwa Guajá também são substituídos na fala dos Karawara por expressões desse tipo:

PORTUGUÊS GUAJÁ KARAWARA anta tapi’ira ma’amija ramãj onça pintada jawaruhua ma'amija rawy pini papa-mel hajrara ma’amija rawy rawarara tamanduá tamanawã ma’amija rawy rawarara

Assim, a denominação para ‘anta’ é tapi’ira em guajá, mas ma’amija ramãj em karawara, um SN complexo que significa “caça grande”. A denominação para ‘onça’ é jawaruhua em guajá, mas ma’amija rawy pini em karawara, um outro SN complexo que significa “caça com aparência de pintada”. Considerando-se que as diferentes línguas fazem a distinção e codificação da realidade com base em suas unidades lexicais, sua organização sintática e suas categorias gramaticais e, ainda, considerando, de acordo com Bybee e Moder (1983: 267), que falantes de uma língua natural formam categorizações de objetos linguísticos da mesma maneira em que eles formam categorizações de objetos culturais e naturais, entendemos ser possível que diferentes variantes de uma língua retratem a categorização das referências de maneira distinta. Um exemplo dessa diferente classificação do universo entre as duas variantes é a denominação dos animais “tamanduá” como tamanawã e “papa-mel” como hajrara em guajá, mas apenas por meio do SN ma’amija rawy rawarara, na variante dos karawara, indicando a ausência de distinção entre esses dois referentes nessa última variante. Desta maneira, pretendemos apresentar, nesta comunicação, uma análise da diferença entre as variantes guajá e karawara, enfocando a categorização das referências e a distinta classificação do mundo associada a cada uma delas, além de explicar a correlação entre esses mundos por meio da cosmologia do canto.

Marina Magalhães (Universidade de Brasília), Uirá Garcia (Universidade Federal de São Paulo)

Referências citadas:

BYBEE, J.L.;MODER, C.L. 1983. Morfological classes as natural categories. Language 59, 251-270.

GARCIA, Uirá F. 2011. Karawara: a caça e o mundo dos Awa Guajá. Tese de Doutorado – Universidade de São Paulo, São Paulo.

REGÚNAGA, María Alejandra. 2012. Tipologia del genero en lenguas indigenas de America del Sur. Bahia Blanca, Argentina: Editorial de la Universidad Nacional del Sur.

.

Lengua, emoción y relaciones sociales: el arte de aconsejar y pedir entre los toba

–qom de la región del Gran Chaco

Cristina Messineo (Universidad de Buenos Aires y CONICET)

El trabajo analiza dos géneros del arte verbal toba (qom): el consejo (nqataGak)

y la rogativa (natamnaGak), con especial foco los recursos lingüísticos que expresan

emoción (Besnier, 1990 y 1995). El nqataGak es la principal herramienta verbal de

socialización niños y jóvenes, a la vez que se utiliza como método de persuasión

política y religiosa en contextos de contacto (Messineo, 2009 y 2014; Dante y Cúneo,

2017). El natamnaGak es un tipo de discurso ritual circunscripto a las actividades de

subsistencia y a la curación chamánica (Messineo, 2014; Cúneo y Messineo, 2015) y

suele intercalarse, en su versión recontextualizada, en las prédicas cristianas

actuales (Dante y Cúneo, 2017). Ambos géneros se caracterizan por su estilo afectivo

y por su relevancia en la expresión y la construcción de relaciones sociales y

significados culturales en la medida en que reflejan y constituyen relaciones

asimétricas entre el ejecutante y el receptor o audiencia. Mientras que el consejo es un

discurso de autoridad pronunciado por un emisor de mayor rango generacional o

social, la rogativa es un discurso de humildad, en el que el emisor se somete a la

voluntad del receptor (una entidad no humana), en una actitud de imploración y

humildad. En ambos casos, la clave (Hymes, 1972) es íntima y afectiva.

En el marco de los estudios sobre etnopoética y performance (Briggs, 1988,

Bauman y Briggs, 1990, entre otros), el trabajo presta especial atención a los

recursos lingüísticos y poéticos que expresan emoción en los géneros seleccionados.

Se trata de recursos propios de estilos altamente implicativos (high –involment style en

términos de Chafe, 1985), y en los que la emoción1 juega un rol crucial en tanto permite

movilizar a la audiencia/ destinatario para cambiar un estado de cosas. En el nivel

del léxico, los términos de parentesco, los pronombres personales, y las formas

diminutivas de los demostrativos son algunos de los recursos utilizados. En el

nivel sintáctico, las oraciones fragmentadas, la estructuras paratácticas, las

oraciones condicionales y la negación “suave” constituyen estrategias propias de los

géneros estudiados. Por último, la prosodia y el paralelismo se asocian también al

estilo afectivo del consejo y de la rogativa qom. Las características mencionadas, a la

vez que funcionan como claves de ejecución (Bauman, 1975), dan cuenta de la función

del arte verbal en la construcción y reproducción de las relaciones sociales y del rol

de los mayores en la transmisión y continuidad de la lengua y la cultura qom.

El trabajo se propone contribuir al estudio del arte verbal de los pueblos

indígenas del Gran Chaco mediante una aproximación que integre los rasgos

lingüísticos con la dimensión etnográfica de fenómeno estudiado. Asimismo

pretende ser un aporte a la etnografía chaqueña, en especial, al estudio de las

emociones como parte de la concepción qom de persona (Cf. Tola, 2012).

Desde esta perspectiva, la emoción no se concibe como un fenómeno individual, sino como un proceso1

cultural e interpersonal; el significado emocional es predominantemente cultural y variable (Wierzbicka, 1986; Lutz , 1988)

REFERENCIAS

Bauman, Richard, 1975. Verbal art as performance. American Anthropologist, 77(2),

290-311.

Bauman, Richard, and Charles Briggs (1990). “Poetics and Performance as Critical

Perspectives on Language and Social Life.” Annual Review of Anthropology 19: 59–88.

Print.

Briggs, Charles. (1988) Competence in Performance. The Creativity of Tradition in Mexicano Verbal Art. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press.

Besnier, Niko. 1990 Language and Affect. Annual Review of Anthropology. Vol. 19:419-451.

Besnier, Niko. 1995. Literacy, Emotion, and Authority: Reading and Writing on a Polynesian Atoll. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Chafe, W., 1985. Linguistic differences produced by differences between speaking and

writing. In D. IL Olson, A. Hildyard, and N. Torrance (Eds.), Literacy, Language, and Learning: The nature and consequence of reading and writing. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Cúneo, Paola y Cristina Messineo, 2014. NatamnaGakpi ‘Rogativas.’ El arte de pedir y suplicar entre los qom. En: Andrés Dapuez y Florencia Tola (comps.) El Arte de Pedir: Antropología de dueños suplicantes. EDUVIM (Editorial Universitaria de Villa María), villa María, Córdoba.

Dante Patricia y Paola Cúneo, 2017. El contacto de lenguas centrado en el contacto de

géneros discursivo. II Jornadas de Jóvenes Lingüistas, 26 al 28 de julio, Universidad de Buenos Aires.Lutz, Catherine 1988 Unnatural Emotions. Everyday Sentiments on a Micronesian Atoll and their Challenge to Western Theory. The University of Chicago Press. Chicago y Londres. Messineo, Cristina, 2009. “Estructura retórica, recursos lingüísticos y función social del

nqataGak (consejo toba)” Revista Signos. Estudios de Lingüística, volumen 42 número

70:197-218. Pontificia Universidad Católica de Valparaíso, Instituto de Literatura y

Ciencias del Lenguaje: Valparaíso.

Messineo, Cristina, 2014. Arte Verbal Qom: consejos, rogativas y relatos (Textos y

comentarios de Mauricio Maidana). Colección ETHNOGRAPHICA, Editorial Rumbo

Sur.

Tola, Florencia. 2012. El cuerpo múltiple qom en un universo superpoblado. Indiana29: 303-328.

Wierzbicka, Anna 1986 Human Emotions: Universal or Culture-Specific? American Anthropologist, vol. 88 (3): 584-594.

Hacia una teoría de direccionales como aspectos espaciales

Lev Michael (University of California, Berkeley)

El objetivo de esta charla es argumentar que los direccionales y los morfemas de movimiento

asociado (associated motion) en algunos idiomas pueden considerarse los análogos

espaciotemporales de las categorías aspectuales. Basándome en datos del idioma matsigenka,

un idioma arawak de la Amazonía peruana, demuestro que la semántica de los sufijos

direccionales en este idioma requiere referencia a dos nociones espaciotemporales: 1) la

geometría de la trayectoria de moción (path geometry) y 2) el punto de vista sobre la trayectoria

de moción (path viewpoint), y la relación topológica entre ellos. Muestro que estas nociones

son análogas a las nociones puramente temporales de tiempo de situación (situation time; TSit),

tiempo de tópico (topic time; TT) y las relaciones topológicas entre ellas (aspecto), como se

emplearon en la teoría de Klein (1994) de tiempo y aspecto.

Matsigenka tiene once sufijos direccionales verbales y cinco sufijos de movimiento asociados.

Los sufijos direccionales proporcionan información sobre las trayectorias de moción vinculados

con los verbos de movimiento a que se sufijan, mientras que los sufijos de movimiento asociado

proporcionan información sobre las trayectorias vinculados a los eventos de moción asociados

a los verbos (sea de moción o no) a que se sufijan. Además, varios de los sufijos 'direccionales'

son lábiles, en el sentido de que funcionan como sufijos de movimiento asociado cuando se

adjuntan a verbos que no son de movimiento.

En la semántica aspectual kleiniana los aspectos expresan relaciones topológicas de

anterioridad, superposición, contención o posterioridad entre: 1) el tiempo del tópico (TT), o

sea, el intervalo de tiempo para el cual se afirma una proposición o está 'a la vista', y 2) el tiempo

de situación (TSit), o sea, la totalidad temporal de la proposición. De manera correspondiente,

los direccionales del matsigenka distinguen entre: 1) la totalidad del evento de movimiento,

identificado con la geometría de la trayectoria expresada por un direccional; y 2) la punta de

vista sobre la trayectoria, que corresponde a la parte de la trayectoria en que se afirma el

predicado de movimiento o está 'a la vista'. La totalidad de la trayectoria es análoga a SitT y la

parte de la ruta que está 'a la vista' es análogo a TT. Diferentes direccionales presuponen

diferentes geometrías de las trayectorias y diferentes puntos de vista sobre las trayectorias, e

indican diferentes relaciones topológicas entre estos dos elementos. Estas relaciones son

analogías espaciotemporales a las relaciones aspectuales.

Este marco permite la representación de geometrías de trayectorias complejas, y la

identificación precisa de la porción de estas trayectorias para que se afirma el predicado de

movimiento. Discuto las técnicas de elicitación para identificar las geometrías de las

trayectorias, y para identificar los puntos de vista de las trayectorias expresadas por las

direccionales. Muestro que diferentes direccionales pueden tener la misma geometría de

trayectoria, difiriendo solo en el punto de vista sobre la trayectoria.

Tense and Aspect in Gavião of Rondônia

Denny Moore (Museu Paraense Emílio Goeldi, Belém)

Time, aspect, modality, and evidentiality are especially interesting in the Gavião language because of its unusual typological properties, especially its basic clause structure, which has implications for TAME marking. A non-copular clause in Gavião (both matrix and embedded) contains a subject immediately followed by an auxiliary stem, which is then followed by any number of verb phrases or embedded clauses, which can be scrambled in any order (Moore 1984). One of these can be fronted under certain conditions. In these sentences the only finite element is the auxiliary; the verbs are unmarked for TAME categories, in contrast to almost all the indigenous languages of South America (Mueller 2013). Instead, there is a complex system of auxiliaries which mark tense, aspect, mood, direction of motion, and sentence functional type (assertative, imperative, desiderative, etc.)

Other modal and temporal indicators occur as sentential particles. There are 15 known elements, almost all particles, which can occur in the first and second positions at the beginning of the sentence. These include modals (e.g. uncertainty, nonassertion) and relative time (e.g. ‘already’). Of the 30 known particles which can occur at the end of the sentence, the first position contains particles of time (e.g. future, recent past) and time-of-evidence (e.g. recent evidence). The second position contains modal particles (e.g. intention, opinion).

Eleven sentence functional types are distinguished: assertative, nonassertative, imperative, prohibitive, exhortative, ‘let’, preventative, desiderative, simulfactive, postfactive, and nominal. These sentence functional types contrast in numerous ways: (1) occurrence of auxiliary roots; (2) cooccurrence of auxiliary stem features, such astense and aspect; (3) cooccurrence of sentence particles with each other and with auxiliarystems; and (4) potential sentence-initial occurrence of auxiliary prefixes (which governspossible fronting). These sentence functional types could be considered modality, butthey mostly correspond to speech acts.

Copula clauses and auxiliaries can never be imperative, prohibitive, exhortative, or simulfactive and are unmarked for tense, aspect and direction of motion. The assertative, nonsubjective noncopula auxiliary stems show only a contrast between past tense máà and non-past mága, which appear to be relatively recent. However, the rest of the noncopula auxiliary stems contain one or more of three roots: //sá//, //yá//, and //Ø//. Interestingly, these roots do not have fixed tense and aspect. Rather, each sentence functional type determines how many contrasting roots there are and these assume the tense and aspect contrasts that occur there. A clue to the basic difference in aspect between //sá//, //yá// and //Ø// when there are three contrasts is given in the imperatives, of which there are three. The first of these indicates a general command, with no specific point of inception. The second indicates an action to be taken at an indefinite time. The third indicates an action to be taken at a definite time, either immediately or at some understood time. This same aspectual difference, of definite or indefinite time of inception or completion, appears in the past tense of nonassertative auxiliary stems, in which //yá// and //Ø// divide the tense. All three contrasts occur in prohibitives, whose auxiliary stems must be in sentence-initial position, and in nominal auxiliaries and clauses, which are obligatorily nominalized and embedded. Desiderative clauses and auxiliaries show two contrasts, between //sá// and //yá//. Simulfactive clauses have only the auxiliary root //sá//, with the suffix -àt. Clauses of the type ‘let’ have only //yá// and a suffix -àt. Postfactives have only //yá// with a suffix -bóy.

Moore, Denny. 1984. Syntax of the language of the Gavião Indians of Rondônia, Brazil. PhD thesis, CUNY Graduate School.

Mueller, Neele. 2013. Tense, Aspect, Modality, and Evidentiality Marking in South American Indigenous Languages. Utrecht: LOT publications 324.

Aspecto gramatical e suas implicações para marcação pessoal no verbo e alinhamento em

Mundurukú (Tupí)

Dioney Moreira Gomes (Universidade de Brasília)

Esta comunicação pretende apresentar o aspecto verbal em Mundurukú (Tupí). A interdependência entre aspecto, marcação pessoal e alinhamento também será abordada. A sufixação e a reduplicação são as formas gramaticais de expressão do aspecto (GOMES, 2006). Nas formas verbais, o aspecto imperfectivo (IPRF) é expresso pelo sufixo {-m}. O perfectivo (PRF) caracteriza-se, principalmente, pela ausência sistemática desse sufixo e pela presença obrigatória de marcadores proclíticos de sujeito, que não ocorrem no aspecto imperfectivo. São exemplos de perfectivo (1a) e (1b). Neles, ocorrem obrigatoriamente os marcadores de sujeito epe '23' e o' '3'. Já os exemplos (2a-b) mostram que não ocorre marcador clítico de sujeito se o aspecto for imperfectivo. Com ou sem reduplicação da forma verbal, o que caracteriza a imperfectividade é a presença do morfema {-m}. O aspecto imperfectivo, traduzido em português pelo presente contínuo (2b) ou pelo futuro (2a), informa sobre o processo interno do evento, especificamente sobre a sua não-finalização, a sua não-conclusão, tenhaele começado ou não. O morfema {-m} de imperfectividade funde-se com as consoantes finais /k/, /t/e /p/, resultando em [g], [dn], [bm], representadas na escrita por "g ", "n" e "m", respectivamente. Osmarcadores clíticos de sujeito são restritos ao aspecto perfectivo, como nos exemplos (2a-b). Já osmarcadores de objeto ocorrem tanto com o aspecto perfectivo quanto com o imperfectivo. Enquantoos verbos intransitivos processuais só têm indexação de marca pessoal clítica no aspecto perfectivo,os intransitivos estativos sempre exigem, independentemente do aspecto, a presença dos marcadorespessoais. Uma consequência dessa diferença é a presença obrigatória de pronomes livres comprocessuais no aspecto imperfectivo, enquanto com estativos o pronome livre apenas ocorre comoforma de realçar o participante, uma vez que este é plenamente identificado pelo marcador clítico noverbo. A marcação clítica dessas duas subclasses de verbos em confronto com a marcação clítica dosargumentos dos verbos transitivos mostra dois tipos de alinhamento: um entre sujeito de intransitivosprocessuais e sujeito de transitivos; e outro entre sujeito de intransitivos estativos e objeto detransitivos. Outra maneira de expressar aspecto em Mundurukú é a reduplicação (GOMES, 2007). Aprincipal e mais frequente função da reduplicação em verbos é indicar a duração de um evento. Sobesse rótulo, agrupamos as noções de progressão e iteração nos termos de Cusic (1981) e Rose (2005).A reduplicação mostra, por exemplo, que um mesmo evento está em processamento e se estende aolongo de um mesmo recorte temporal, sendo, portanto, progressivo, contínuo (exemplos 3a-c). Emoutros casos mais evidentes, a reduplicação traz a ideia de que uma ação se repete, nãonecessariamente em um mesmo evento, mas em momentos distintos, codificando a noção deiteratividade (exemplos 4a-b). Por fim, pretendemos apresentar também quatro outros sufixos verbaisque possivelmente expressam aspecto. Vamos reuni-los em dois grupos, a saber: a) {-isu}'recente,recém': esse morfema informa que uma ação acabou de ocorrer (exemplo 5) e b) {-uk} 'habitual'(exemplo 6), {-xi} 'excessivo' (exemplo 7) e {-bu/-pu} 'exclusivo, limitado a' (exemplo 8). Esses trêsúltimos morfemas imprimem ao predicado uma leitura menos finita, uma vez que não podem ocorreros marcadores clíticos de pessoa, típicos de aspecto perfectivo, nem o sufixo de imperfectividade{-m}.

Exemplos:

(1a) epe=ye-orok kapusu 23S=MED-caçar.PRF ontem 'Vocês caçaram ontem.'

(1b) bekicat wida o'=jo-jo criança onça 3S=3O-ver.PRF 'A criança viu a onça.'

(2a) eyju je-orog (-orok-m -orog)vocês MED-caçar.IPRF 'Vocês vão caçar.'

(2b) bekicat wida jo~jo-m

criança onça ver~DUR-IPRF 'A criança está vendo a onça.'

(3a) ajok~jog tu enbanhar-se~DUR.IPRF INT você 'Você está se banhando?'

(3b) kobe duju-kap~kam õn kaxoero dag canoa CAUS2-passar~DUR.IPRF eu cachoeira por 'Eu estava passando com a canoa pela cachoeira.'

(3c) Kuyaje õn cu-m je-koy~koy- ma Tapereba be

Amanhã eu ir-IPRF MED-remar~DUR-IPRF mesmo Tapereba para 'Amanhã, eu vou remando mesmo para o Taperebá.'

(4a) wuyjuyu mu-aypan g u xe=ku – wamõat tayxi 'e~'e-m

gente CAUS1-crescer.IPRF NEG aquele=? – pajé mulher dizer~DUR-IPRF 'Ela não vai criar gente, aquele – dizia a mulher do pajé.' (na narrativa, isso se repetia em várias momentos)

(4b) g ebuje aihi tõ~tõ-m

então mamãe chorar~DUR-IPRF 'Então, minha mamãe ficava chorando.' (na narrativa, a mãe chorava repetidamente, durante muito tempo e descontinuamente.)

(5) y-ajem-isu pit i-bapuk g u io'e, ade jijã wuyjuyu buye io'e.

3Sp-chegar-RECENTE

contraste 3Sp-aparecer

NEG diz.que muitos muito gente porque diz.que

'Logo ao chegar, não aparecia, porque tinha muita gente mesmo.'

(6) Misael jarãy 'a 'o~'o-uk

Misael laranjeira ESFEROIDE comer~ITERATIVO-HABITUAL'Misael gosta de comer laranja.'

(7) Misael jarãy 'a 'o~'o-xiMisael laranjeira ESFEROIDE comer~ITERATIVO-EXCESSIVO'Misael come laranja demais.'

(8) Misael bio aoka~ka-bu

Misael anta matar~ITERATIVO-EXCLUSIVO 'Misael só vive de matar anta.' (não gosta de matar outra coisa)

Referências bibliográficas

CUSIC, D. Verbal plurality and aspect. Tese de doutorado, Universidade de Stanford, 1981. GOMES, D. M. Estudo morfológico e sintático da língua Mundurukú (Tupí). Tese de Doutorado.

Universidade de Brasília, Brasília, 2006. GOMES, D. M. Reduplicação verbal em Mundurukú. In: CABRAL, A. S. A. C; RODRIGUES, A.

(Org.). Línguas e culturas dos povos Tupí. Campinas, SP: Curt Nimuendaju, 2007. ROSE, F. Reduplication in Tupí-Guaraní languages: going into opposite directions. In: HURCH, B.

& MATTERS, V. (eds.) Studies on Reduplication. Empirical Approaches to Language

Typology (28). Berlin, New York: Mouton de Gruyter, 2005. pp. 351-368.

Abstract Substrate influence in Northern Quechua languages

Pieter Muysken, Radboud University, Nijmegen

Quechua language varieties spread northward into parts of Ecuador, Colombia, and northern

Peru and were adopted as a native language by speakers of earlier Pacific, Highland, and

Amazonian languages in a process of language shift. This process started in the fifteenth

century with the Inca state and is still going on in some regions in the Pie de Monte, where

speakers of smaller languages are acquiring Quechua as a second and their ultimately primary

language. Thus Quechuan varieties have played and still play a key role in the Pie de Monte

multilingual ecologies.

The Quechua varieties that spread northward have undergone numerous changes, as is typical

in such a situation of non-demic expansion. These changes fall under a number of headings:

*Koineization and disappearance of original distinctions present in the contributing

Quechua varieties from south and central Peru;

*Morphological regularization and paradigm simplification, presumably as the result of

second language learning;

*Autonomous developments and compensatory strategies to recuperate morphosyntactic

and semantic distinctions lost in the simplification process;

*Influence from the substrate languages

While all four developments are of great interest and crucial to our understanding of the

diversification in the Quechua language family, this paper focuses on the substrate languages.

It critically reviews the possible influence of these languages on Quechua varieties. The cases

discussed include but are not limited to:

1. The possible introduction of diminutive or pejorative suffixes and of the potential

marker –ntra into Inga from Kamentsa’.

2. The possible introduction of switch reference in the purposive nominalizations of

northern highland Ecuadorian Quichua as a compensatory strategy from earlier

Barbacoan (as argued for by Bruil 2008).

3. The development of a desiderative involving the verb ‘say’ in southern highland

Ecuadorian Quichua, possibly from earlier Chicham.

4. The development of a intentional marker involving the verb ‘do’ in lowland

Ecuadorian, possibly under the influence of Waorani.

5. The reinterpretation and reduction of the Quechua copula ka- as a clitic under the

possible influence of Chicham.

6. The creation of a negative existential verb illa-, possibly modeled on Chicham.

These and a few other possible changes will be reviewed from the perspective of the work on

substrates in creole studies, taking into account the Founder Principle (e.g. Chicham before

Barbacoan), the Cafeteria Principle (where when what feature), possible alternative

explanations, and multiple reinforcement of substrates (e.g. Chicham + Barbacoan). I will also

consider the question of whether these substrate influences have influenced all of Northern

Quechua or just a subset.

Bruil, Martine. 2008. Innovations in the Ecuadorian Converb Systems: Grammatical change

in language contact situations. MA thesis, Leiden University.

Temporal categories in Yaminawa morphology

Kelsey C. Neely (University of California, Berkeley)

Yaminawa (ISO 639-3: yaa) has an elaborate set of morphological resources for expressing temporal categories including aspect, temporal remoteness, and the time of day during which an event takes/took place, regardless of temporal remoteness. While some of these morphemes have only temporal semantics, others, such as the switch-reference enclitics, encode both temporal relations and other categories. This talk presents a broad overview of these morphological resources in Yaminawa and then provides a closer look at how temporal remoteness and aspect are employed in natural speech, including conversation.

One of the most striking features of Panoan languages are the number of temporal remoteness distinctions they make (see Fleck 2001, 2007 on Matsés, and Tallman and Stout 2018 on Chácobo). The Yaminawa Temporal Distance Markers (following the terminology of Tallman and Stout 2018) distinguish six degrees of remoteness in the past and at least three degrees of remoteness in the future. The inventory of these verbal suffixes is given in Table 1. The morphosyntax of these TDMs is unlike that of either Matsés (which combines evidential categories with tense and allows multiple tense markers on a single predicate) or Chácobo (in which TDMs always co-occur with a true tense marker). In Yaminawa, TDMs do not have an evidential component, they do not require any additional morphology to make a root finite, and they are in complementary distribution with the aspectual and modal suffixes. In practice, Yaminawa speakers use TDMs to establish topic time, then either aspect or modal suffixes are used. Yaminawa does not have tense as an obligatorily realized morphological category.

The two most frequent aspects in Yaminawa are the perfective -a and the imperfective -i. In the absence of context from the prior use of a TDM, the perfective has a default interpretation of having occurred earlier on the same day as the utterance time, and the imperfective has either a present or near-future interpretation available. In natural speech with temporal context, the imperfective is frequently used in the past, but the perfective does not occur in speech about the future. Yaminawa speakers sometimes report degree of certainty as a component of meaning of future TDMs, with the imperfective being the most certain and the remote future TDM -daka being the most uncertain. However, the remote future TDM -daka can also be used for events about which speakers have high certainty (such as the bicentennial celebration of Peruvian independence in 2021), showing that the semantics of these morphemes is indeed grounded in temporal distance. Additionally, some modal morphemes, such as the hortative -n , have future semantics in Yaminawa.

Another temporal category of typological interest are what I call the Circadian Temporal Markers, which indicate the time of day that an event took place, regardless of the topic time. These include -shid 'at night', -waid 'during the day'/'all day', and -(y)uku 'early in the morning'. These are optional and must be followed by a TRM, aspect, or modal to form a grammatical word. I consider these suffixes 'adverbial' in nature, as they do not have any morphosyntactic or semantic co-occurence restrictions with other temporal morphology, they merely specify time of day. Temporal sequence is also a key component of the switch reference system in Yaminawa, with separate sets of markers being used for prior versus simultaneous events. There are also a small number of enclitics that block switch reference and encode only temporal sequence, such as =ta 'immediately prior event' and =xaki 'lapse of time between events'. In most cases, TRMs and aspect are blocked by these enclitics, and many clauses may be chained, with only a single matrix verb inflected for temporal remoteness or aspect.

Table 1: Temporal Distance Markers in YaminawaPast Future

-wa 'last night' -waidaka 'tomorrow, a couple of days from now' (high certainty)

-waiyabea 'yesterday, a couple of days ago'

-nupukui 'weeks or months from now' (uncertainty)

-ita 'a few days to a few weeks ago'

-daka 'years from now' (high uncertainy)

-yabea 'a few months ago'

-ti 'several months to a year ago'

-di 'over a year ago', 'years ago'

References:

Fleck, D. W. (2007). Evidentiality and Double Tense in Matses. Language, 83(3), 589–614.Fleck, D.W. (2001). A Grammar of Matses. PhD Thesis, Rice University.Tallman, A., and Tammi Stout (2018). “Tense and temporal remoteness in Chacobo (Pano)”. In

M. Keough, N. Weber, A. Anghelescu, S. Chen, E. Guntly, K. Johnson, D. Reisinger, andO. Tkachman (eds.) Proceedings of the Workshop on Structure and Constituency in theLanguages of the Americas 21, University of British Columbia Working Papers inLinguistics 46, p.210-224

The prosody–morphology interface in Migueleño Chiquitano

Andrey Nikulin (Universidade de Brasília)

Although contrastive stress has been reported for Chiquitano (Macro-Jê family), the

particularities of its assignment have remained largely overlooked in the literature (Galeote

Tormo 1993:34; Santana 2012:188–191). Krüsi & Krüsi (1978:87) and Sans (2010:110,

2013:11–12) recognize that the stress assignment in Chiquitano is sensitive to the

morphological structure of the word and that the regularities that characterize it are more

complex for verbs than for nouns. I offer a description of the stress in Migueleño Chiquitano

(MCh), an underdescribed moribund variety of Chiquitano spoken in the municipality of San

Miguel de Velasco. The data used in the study come from the author’s fieldwork carried out

in the community of San Juan de Lomerío.

I claim that the position of the word-level stress (whose primary acoustic correlate is an

increase in F0) is determined by the accentual properties of the last morpheme within the

word, which may activate one of the stress patterns available in MCh: penult, antepenult or

word-final. Penult stress is required by most suffixes, including /-xɨ ~ -xi ~ -se/

‘NRFR.POSS.SG’, /-ka/ ‘PL’, /-ma/ ‘DIM’, /-ka/ ‘SAP.SBJ’, /-ɲɨ/ ‘1SG.OBJ’, /-ta/ ‘3SG.OBJ’, and

many roots, such as /-aʔi-/ ‘mouth’, /-ɨkɨki-/ ‘fingernail’, /-tɨ-/ ‘neck’. Antepenult stress

pattern is activated by /-Co ~ -Ca/ ‘3.SBJ’ and roots such as /-pope-/ ‘foot’, /-tʃaʔanɨ-/

‘head/hair’, /oxiɲa/ ‘good’. Word-final stress is infrequent; it is associated with non-nominal

morphemes, such as /puɾusuβi/ ‘white’. Mobile accent paradigms illustrate the different

accentual properties of the suffixes: /ix-a-patá-ka/ [ɕapaˈtaka] ‘I chew’ vs. /β-a-páta-ɾa/

[βaˈpataɾa] ‘she/he chews’, /ix-a-iŋkí-ka/ [ɕaiŋʲˈkʲikʲa] ‘I ask’ vs. /m-á-iŋki-jo/ [ˈmaiŋʲkʲijo]

‘she/he asks’, /i-popé-se/ [coˈpes] ‘her/his foot’ vs. /á-pope/ [ˈapope] ‘thy foot’, etc. If

multiple suffixes co-occur, only the rightmost one is relevant for the stress assignment, as

shown by /i-i-tasu-ɾó-ɲɨ/ [casuˈɾoɲɨ] ‘she/he calls me’ (cf. /β-a-pátʃe-ɾo/ [βaˈpatʃeɾo] ‘she/he

searches’).

I also examine the apheresis of word-initial /i-/. I argue that the process is regular if at least

two syllables separate /i-/ from the stressed syllable (/ix-a-tuβaxí-ka/ [ɕatuβaˈxi-kʲa] ‘I grind’,

/iɲ-i-onokó-ta/ [ɲonoˈkota] ‘I burn it’, /ixanaká-xɨ/ [ɕanaˈkax] ‘root’, /ipakaʔá-xɨ/ [cakaˈax]

‘liver’), common in antepretonic syllables (/ikɨmɨ-xɨ/ [kʲɨˈmɨ-x] ‘worm’, /ixoú-xɨ/ [ɕoˈu-x]

‘snake’, /ix-a-nó-ka/ [ɕaˈnoka] ‘I sleep’, /ix-ɨkɨki/ [ɕɨˈkɨkʲi] ‘my fingernail’, but /iJ-i-kokó-ta/

[ikʲoˈkota] ‘I obey’) and exceedingly rare in pretonic syllables (/ix-a-á-ka/ [iˈɕaka] ‘I eat’, /iJ-

tʃá-ka/ [iˈtʃaka] ‘I drink’, /iJ-kípoɾɨ/ [iˈkʲicoɾɨ] ‘my belly’, but /ix-ótu/ [ˈɕotu] ‘my.♀ tongue’,

/iɲ-ótu/ [ˈɲotu] ‘my.♂ tongue’).

References

Galeote Tormo, Jesus. 1993. Manitana auqui besüro. Gramatica moderna de la lengua

Chiquitana y vocabulario basico. Santa Cruz de la Sierra: Los Huerfanos.

Krüsi, Martin, and Dorothee Krüsi. 1978. Phonology of Chiquitano. In: Wiesemann, Ursula

(ed.). Work papers of the Summer Institute of Linguistics. Riberalta, Bolivia. 1972–1976.

Riberalta: Summer Institute of Linguistics.

Sans, Pierric. 2010. Elements de sociolinguistique et de phonologie du bes1ro (chiquitano).

Langue en danger des basses terres de Bolivie. Lyon: Universite Lumiere Lyon 2. MA thesis.

Sans, Pierric. 2013. Elementos de la gramatica del Besɨro: Sociolingüistica – Fonologia –

Morfologia – Textos. (Con la colaboración de: Lucas Chorez Quiviquivi). San Antonio de

Lomerío, m.s.

Santana, Aurea Cavalcante. 2012. Linguas cruzadas, historias que se mesclam: açoes de

documentaçao, valorizaçao e fortalecimento da lingua Chiquitano no Brasil. Goiania:

Universidade Federal de Goiás. PhD thesis.

Arts of Love, Sadness, and Empathy in Amazonian Ecuador

Our paper identifies an affective stance which we call llakichina ‘(literally) to cause love,

sadness, or empathy’. We argue for the role of llakichina in four genres of verbal art that are

practiced widely by speakers of two closely related varieties of Amazonian Quichua associated

with the Pastaza and Napo headwaters. These two dialects, PQ (Pastaza Quichua) and NQ

(Upper Napo Quichua) are classified as Eastern variants of Quechua IIB. Yet, because of years

of contact with speakers of unrelated lowland languages such as Chicham and Zaparoan,

Amazonian Quichua people have developed verbal art that shares many features and aesthetic

values found in these languages. Llakichina is an affective stance that articulates the personal

emotions of a speaker who performatively expresses empathy with a nonhuman form of nature.

Such performative empathy is evident in varieties of songs, narratives, humorous conversations,

and in discourse directed to plants and animals. It is identifiable through formal features of

Quichua grammar as well as through performative devices such as figurative language,

ideophonic depictions, gesture, intonational foregrounding, and poetic structures of lines.

Empathy-inducing songs sung by Quichua women share properties of Chicham anent (cf

Taylor 1983, Brown 1986, Harrison 1989.) They are secretive magical songs designed to affect

people or animals through their allusive imagery, and are often thematically concerned with a

desire to resolve sadness, loneliness, or longing. For example, women often invent and sing

songs to birds who are performatively directed by the singer to return to their nests, the way the

singer might want her lover to return to her.

Narratives of various types create an empathetic frame through grammatical and

discourse features which emphasize perspective: the evidential specification of perspectives as

‘self’ -mi, ‘other’ -shi, or ‘unknown -cha’; the careful and elaborate comparisons between human

and nonhuman life; the use of speech reports that serve to move the action of a story, while

articulating the perspectives of different entities; and performative depictions of sensory and

emotional experiences by means of ideophones.

Humorous discourse is another genre that depends on analogies intended to foster

empathy. For example, a stereotypical form of laughter associated with women, especially with a

group of sisters, may be represented with the ideophone hu hu hu huy, and is associated with

female bonding. This laughter ideophone is said to be the human version of what russet-backed

oropendolas (Psarocolius angustifrons) do when they are said to ‘say’ their own ideophone ku ku

pak-chu. This species of bird in particular, is said to embody conviviality and empathy because it

builds multiple nests in the same tree, which suggests an ideal of sociability that is achieved

when sisters live harmoniously with their homes side by side.

Features of empathy may also be found in discourse directed to plants. This is most

evident when people express identity relations between themselves and a particular plant for the

purpose of harnessing that plant’s medicinal or aesthetic power. There is, for example, a wild

variety of genipa americana which is an important resource for beauty, used to make hair grow

longer thicker and blacker, and is also used to paint designs on the face and body. It is not

enough, however, to simply apply this substance to one’s body. A woman has to join her heart

and emotions to the ‘woman’ who is said to be the spirit of the genipa tree, and assert in

discourse form, that she ‘is’ this tree, and has the same qualities and abilities as the tree, which is

so attractive that it is able to draw a variety of pollinators to itself. The contribution of this paper,

then, is that it deepens our knowledge of Amazonian cultural poetics beyond what has thus far

been reported in anthropological and linguistic literature on Lowland Amazonian peoples

(Overing and Passes 2000.)

Janis Nuckolls (Brigham Young University) & Tod Swanson (Arizona State University)

ADDITIONAL DATA:

1.Fragment of the genipa tree song by which a singer asserts and performs an identity relation

between herself and the tree (PQ dialect):

Susu βituk waɾmiga ‘Susu wituk woman’


Sisaɾiɕa ɕayawni ‘Flowering I stand’



Atuŋ kutɕa patajbi ‘By the shore of the big lake’

Atuŋ kutɕa patajbi ‘By the shore of the big lake’


Sisaɾiɕa shayawni ‘Flowering I stand’

Punda sisatagaya ‘At the highest flowers’

Punda sisatagaya ‘At the highest flowers’

Nina kindi upiwaŋ ‘The fire hummingbird drinks me’

Nina kindi upiwaŋ ‘The fire hummingbird drinks me’

2.Fragment from description of what to say to a tree whose bark is being harvested for medecine

(from NQ dialect):

Ali-tɕi-ngi; upi-kpi kan ɕindɕi ɕaja-w-ngi, mana pi-was tola-j-wak

Good-CAUS-2 drink-SWRF you strong stand-DUR-2 NEG who-ever knock.down-NOM-able

‘(Please) heal us; if we drink (your bark) like you who stands so strongly that no one can knock

you down, (we will be)’

3.Humorous use of the ideophone chiling (PQ dialect):

Ah ah kaŋ-guna chiliŋ chiliŋ kwinta-w-ŋgichi sapo ɕina; mana ujantɕi ɲukanchi

yeah youPL IDEO IDEO talk-DUR-2PL frog like NEG understand-1PL we

‘Yeah, you-all talk (sounding) chiling chiling, like a frog; we do not understand it! (laughter)’

REFERENCES

Bauman, R. (1977) Verbal Art as Performance. Long Grove, IL: Waveland Press.

Brown, Michael. 1986. Tsewa’s Gift: Magic and Meaning in an Amazonian

Society. Smithsonian Institution Press.

Beier, Christine, Michael, Lev, and Sherzer, Joel.( 2002) “Discourse Forms and Processes in

Indigenous South America: An Areal-Typological Perspective” Annual Review of

Anthropology, Vol. 31:121-145.

Harrison, Regina (1989) Signs, Songs, and Memory in the Andes: Translating Quechua

Language and Culture. Austin: University of Texas Press

Overing, Joanna, and Passes, Alan 2000. The Anthropology of Love and Anger: The Aesthetics

of Conviviality in Native Amazonia. New York: Routledge

Sherzer, Joel, and Urban, Greg. 1986. Native South American Discourse. De Gruyter, Mouton.

Taylor, Anne Christine and Chau, Ernesto (1983) Jivaroan magical songs: achuar anent of

connubial love’. Amerindia 8.

Perfective Aspect as Specificity in Caquinte

Zachary O'Hagan (University of California, Berkeley)

This presentation explores the semantics and pragmatics of the verbal suffix -(a)k in Caquinte(Castillo Ramırez 2017; Swift 1988), a Kampa Arawak (Mihas 2017) language of southeasternPeru, based on original fieldwork. Building on the description of cognate suffixes in related lan-guages — as a marker of ‘perfect’ (Payne 1981) or ‘perfective’ aspect (Michael (2008:255-256),Mihas (2015:214-216), Snell (2011:855)) —, I analyze -(a)k as a marker of specificity in thedomain of eventualities. As in the nominal domain, in which definites express that a speakerassumes an addressee to have a particular referent in mind and specifics express that a speakerhas a particular referent in mind (independent of the mental state of an addressee), specificity inthe verbal domain expresses that a speaker has a particular eventuality in mind. In Caquinte,verbs that lack -(a)k (‘bare verbs’) behave similarly to bare nouns in languages that permit them.They are often interpreted as generic (1), or also as progressive (2).

(1) Ishekata kepatsi...

i-3m.s-

shekaeat

-a-r:mid

kepatsidirt

He eats dirt...

(2) Irogenti najakatsinotiri nochaajanikirite.

irogenticop:3f

no-1s-

ajakwash

-tsino-body

-i-r:act

-ri-3m.o

no-1p-

chaajanikirichild.m

-te-poss

I am washing my children.

Verbs exhibiting -(a)k are often interpreted as culminated within a topic time (Klein 1994).

(3) ...osheki oshinetaka amashaitake.

oshekimuch

o-3f.s-

shinebe.happy

-ak-sp

-a-r:mid

Ø-3f.s-

amashaising

-ak-sp

-i-r:act

...she was very happy and sang [i.e., at my wedding].

However, bare verbs may also be interpreted as culminated (4).

(4) Ari ipitsokashitana ikantana...

aripro

i-3m.s-

pitsokturn.around

-ashi-a:purp

-a-r:mid

-na-1o

i-3m.s-

kansay

-a-r:mid

-na-1o

Then he turned around and said to me...

I demonstrate that -(a)k fails tests used to diagnose sorts of viewpoint aspect, contrast itwith the referential properties of nouns and nominalized verbs, and review temporal relationsand modality in the language generally. Caquinte emerges as a language in which there are fewgrammaticized categories that order eventualities along a temporal trajectory. Rather, even-tualities are conceptualized in terms of their realization, in the form of reality status (Michael2014), and their specificity, but only secondarily in terms of strictly temporal relations, in theform of imperfective aspect encoded via suffixal person markers on intransitive verbs (O’Hagan2015), which alternate with prefixal markers, a sort of fluid intransitivity that is compatiblewith -(a)k. I show that certain morphosyntactic configurations are underspecified for speci-ficity and aspect, while others encode certain of these values. The result is an analysis in whichreferential properties in the nominal domain begin to resemble apparently temporal propertiesin the verbal domain, especially in terms of discreteness. Lastly, this discreteness yields prag-matic effects, whereby specific verbs are conceptualized as part of the main line that may movea narrative forward (Anderson 1991; Payne and Ballena Davila 1983; Payne and Payne 2005).

References

Anderson, Ronald J. 1991. Implicaciones estereotıpicas y no estereotıpicas en los verbosestativos del asheninca. Revista Latinoamericana de Estudios Etnolinguısticos VI:63–77.

Castillo Ramırez, Antonio. 2017. Aspectos de la frase nominal en caquinte (campa-arawak). Tesis de licenciatura, Universidad Nacional Mayor de San Marcos.

Klein, Wolfgang. 1994. Time in Language. London/New York: Routledge.

Michael, Lev. 2008. Nanti Evidential Practice: Language, Knowledge, and Social Action inan Amazonian Society. PhD dissertation, University of Texas at Austin.

Michael, Lev. 2014. The Nanti Reality Status System: Implications for the TypologicalValidity of the Realis/Irrealis Contrast. Linguistic Typology 18(2):251–288.

Mihas, Elena. 2015. A Grammar of Alto Perene (Arawak). Boston & Berlin: De GruyterMouton.

Mihas, Elena. 2017. The Kampa Subgroup of the Arawak Language Family. The CambridgeHandbook of Linguistic Typology, edited by Alexandra Y. Aikhenvald and R. M. W. Dixon,Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 782–814.

O’Hagan, Zachary. 2015. La intransitividad escindida en caquinte. Austin: Talk at theConference on the Indigenous Languages of Latin America VII, October 29.

Payne, David L. 1981. The Phonology and Morphology of Axininca Campa. SIL & Universityof Texas at Arlington.

Payne, David L. and Marlene Ballena Davila. 1983. Estudios linguısticos de textosasheninca (campa-arawak preandino). Lima: SIL.

Payne, Judith K. and David L. Payne. 2005. The Pragmatics of Split Intransitivity inAsheninka. Revista Latinoamericana de Estudios Etnolinguısticos X:37–56.

Snell, Betty E. 2011. Diccionario matsigenka-castellano: con ındice castellano, notas enci-clopedicas y apuntes gramaticales. Lima: SIL.

Swift, Kenneth. 1988. Morfologıa del caquinte. Lima: SIL.

Degrees of Temporal Remoteness in Panoan: Contributions to the Typology of Tense

Sanderson Castro Soares de Oliveira (Universidade Federal do Amazonas, Campus Manaus),Pilar Valenzuela Bismarck (Chapman University)

The Panoan family comprises ca. 32 languages from Peru, Brazil, and Bolivia. Panoan languages grammatically distinguish various degrees of temporal distance from the deictic center; i.e., they possess metrical tense (Chung & Timberlake 1985) or degrees of remoteness distinctions (Comrie 1985, Dahl 1985). This presentation analyzes the complex tense systems found in Panoan, concentrating on morphologically expressed categories. In so doing, it seeks to expand our knowledge of languages with metrical tense and test hypotheses (in Comrie 1985, Dahl 1985, Bybee et alia 1994, Botne 2012) regarding the internal organization of the systems, the ways tense interacts with other grammatical categories, and the possible sources of tense markers. Although metrical tense systems are attested in approximately 25% of the world’s languages (Dahl 2008, Botne 2012:536), those with four or more degress of remoteness are unusual (Comrie 1985:87; Frawley 1992:363). For example, of 222 languages examined in Dahl & Velupillai’s (2011) study on past tense, only 2 have such prolific systems: Chakobo and Yagua; the former belongs to the Panoan family. Discussing the Panoan tense systems is particularly relevant, considering this family is one of the larger clusters of elaborated systems of remoteness distinctions in the world, outside Niger-Congo languages (Dahl, p. c., March 2013). Despite this, Panoan languages are largely absent from older and recent treatments of metrical tense. (Most) Panoan tense systems are asymmetrical, with more distinctions in the past than the future. The further an interval lies from the present, the less precise its cut-off point, and the more extense the temporal space it covers (Frawley 1992). As expected, tense interacts with aspect-modality (in Shipibo-Konibo, -rabɨ marks distant past and imperfective aspect whereas -ʝantan marks distant past and perfective (Valenzuela 2003)) and evidentiality (in Matses, all past tense markers simultaneously code evidentiality (Fleck 2007)). However, tense also interacts with number (in Kashinawa, plural marking is achieved through suffixation of -kan in the immediate past, but -bu in other past tenses), person (in Amawaka, the immediate past marker is -xo when the subject is 3rd person, but -ki with 1st/2nd person subjects), and negation (in Matís, a negated verb cannot take past tense marking directly, but requires an auxiliary to which the past suffix attaches. Also, different negation markers are used with past vs. non-past tenses (Ferreira 2005:147-148)). We adopt a diachronic approach in accounting for some of these interactions.

Comparative analysis indicates that Proto-Panoan might have exhibited degrees of temporal remoteness. However, even closely related languages may differ significantly in the categories they encode and/or their formal expression. On the other hand, there is evidence suggesting the borrowing of markers. While some tense morphemes clearly originate from temporal adverbs and adverb-like verbal suffixes, others may have arisen through the grammaticalization of motion verbs and associated-motion verbal suffixes (cf. Bybee et alia 1994). In some instances, the marking of tense diachronically involves nominalized constructions. Finally, markers denoting temporally non-adjacent regions may share the same gram (cf. Botne 2012). (500 words)

References

Botne, Robert. 2012. Remoteness Disctinctions. In Robert I. Binnick ed., The Oxford Handbook of Tense and Aspect. Oxford: Oxford University Press, pp. 536-562. Bybee, Joan, Revere Perkins and William Pagliuca. 1994. The Evolution of Grammar. Tense,

aspect, and modality in the languages of the world. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press. Chung, Sandra & Alan Timberlake. 1985. Tense, Aspect and Mood. In T. Shopen (ed.) Language

Typology and Syntactic Description, vol.3. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, pp. 241-258. Comrie, Bernard. 1985. Tense. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

http://wals.info/refdb/record/5911

Dahl, Östen. (2008) “The distribution of hodiernality distinctions in the world’s languages.” ms. Dahl, Östen. 1985. Tense and aspect systems. Oxford: Blackwell. Dahl, Östen & Viveka Velupillai. 2011. The Past Tense. In Dryer, Matthew S. y Martin Haspelmath (eds.), The World Atlas of Language Structures Online. Munich: Max Planck Digital Library, chapter 66: http://wals.info/chapter/66. Ferreira, R. V. 2005. Língua Matis (Pano): uma descrição gramatical. Tesis de Doctorado. Universidad Estatal de Campinas. Fleck, David. W. 2007. Evidentiality and Double Tense in Matses. Language, 83, 3:589-614. Frawley, William. 1992. Linguistic Semantics. Hillsdale, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, Publishers. Fleischman, Suzanne. (1989) “Temporal distance: A basic linguistic metaphor.” Studies in Language 13.1:1-50. Valenzuela, Pilar M. 2003. Transitivity in Shipibo-Konibo Grammar. Ph.D. Dissertation. University of Oregon. Valenzuela, Pilar M. and Sanderson Soares Castro de Oliveira. 2012. Categorias de Tempo em Páno. Paper presented at the Workshop on Tense, Aspect and Modality in South American Indian Languages, Laboratório de Línguas Indígenas, Universidade de Brasília, may 24-27.

http://wals.info/chapter/66

EL TEJIDO COMO ESTRUCTURA NARRATIVA DEL RELATO INDÌGENA DEL

WAYUUNAIKI

Luis Oquendo (Universidad de Zulia)

Los modelos semióticos de análisis sobre las literaturas indígenas conciben al héroe del

relato indígena al igual que el héroe decadente de la literatura occidental. Su intención

es elaborar una tipología del héroe y metanarraciones. A partir de la siguiente

pregunta: ¿Cómo se representa el tejido como estructura narrativa en el relato

indígena del wayuunaiki, específicamente en el relato wayuu (Achi’ki) de Jusayù

(1986), desde la lectura intercultural en oposición a la lectura del paradigma de la

lectura occidental sobre los relatos indígenas? Sigo la metodología expuesta por

Oquendo (1987, 1996) quien propuso una lectura intercultural diferencialista de la

literatura wayuu concibiendo el relato en wayuunaiki como una “una red de

tejido” en oposición a los modelos europocéntricos. Analizaré, Achi’ki relatos

guajiros de Miguel Ángel Jusayú. Este texto está formado por veinte y cinco relatos,

escrito en wayuunaiki, y luego traducidos al español por el mismo autor. Hay en estos

relatos una lectura bicultural del mundo wayuu acompañado de una escritura

intercultural del relato, wayuunaiki- español. El wayuu considera el tejido como la

unidad donde se fragua la belleza y esta se manifiesta en la figura y en los motivos

contrastantes los cuales suelen ser los colores primarios. En este sentido, el tejido como

unidad textual-discursiva constituye una red, -kusuu y esta se representa en una red

semántica a través de las fraseologías que elaboran el texto del discurso. La red del

tejido -kusuu es el texto en –sí, y está estructurada por los siguientes elementos: cordel

o cuerdas- shipoo, nudo del tejido- süshoo, hoyos o vacíos del tejido- ishi.

Cada uno de estos elementos que dibujan el discursear del relato está enlazados en

una relación de contrarios y diferencias. Los nudos de los tejidos - süshoo aparecen a

inicio del relato y al final relato. Estos – süshoo, al introductio del relato, exponen

una frase diferente al final relato. En los veinticinco relatos de Achi’ki (relatos guajiros)

se observan veinte y tres relatos que finalizan con la frase Aját’ta

müsü’jaa (Y se acabó esto; Acaba así el relato…) y dos con las frases:

Étápaa nia’túnkatatahin…( Y lo encontraron…), Müsü’juku’waipa…(Así fue

antiguamente). Los hoyos o vacíos – ishi cuyos referentes son los deiticos y los

puntos cardinales: Pala’müin (hacia el norte), u’chumüin (hacia el sur) –

wüipumüin (hacia el este), -wopu’müin (hacia el oeste), surgen después de la

interjección: Jeh (Pues bien) “… frecuentemente empleada en las narraciones cuando

se hace una pausa para ponderar y seguir adelante” Jusayú y Olza (1988:110). Otro

constituyente del –kusuu es el tiempo del relato en wayuunaiki que actúa como las

vueltas que se le dan al cordel- shipaa del kusuu para templarlo. El tiempo es

la “tensión” del relato. El tiempo en el relato wayuunaiki no sólo viene dado por la

forma verbal, la cual suele exponerse en pretérito perfecto a través del sufijo-pa que

se le añade al inminente y el pretérito imperfecto, estos son los tiempos verbales

prominentes en los relatos; aunque en wayuunaiki hay otras marcas enunciativas que

indican o señalan la medida del tiempo y es utilizada en el relato. La mayor unidad de

tiempo es el año representado a través del lexema juya’ (año y lluvia). El mes a

través del lexema kashi’ (luna) wané müinrrapa kai’( apenas transcurrido un

día), alikairrua kai’(las tardes). Kai’(día) al cual se le antepone algunas

nominalizaciones para señalar distintas etapas del día como:1 Estas

nominalizaciones, frases interjeccionales,2-y las formas interrogativas,3 van a ser

las figuras retóricas dominantes en el tejido del relato junto a la metáfora y la

metonimia. Existe una simetría en las frases referidas del kusuu del relato como los

objetos tejidos.

1- yale’tapa kai’ (cuando el sol está levantado), kaléu kai’ (a mediodía)

ewéta kai’ (salida del sol).

2- ¡Jáikaliaasa¡(Caramba), Áituayáshirra main taya’la (¡Pobre de

mí¡)

3- ¿Kasa’che érra maka’ aka’ tü jamü’kalü?, (¿A qué se parecerá el

hambre?)¿ Je’ rráirrüin main juya’ ala’takalü jüchirrüa

tia? (¿Quién sabe cuántos años han transcurrido?)

Referencias

Jusayú, M. 1986. Achi’ki. Relatos guajiros. Ed. Arte. Caracas, Venezuela.

Jusayú, M y Olza, J. 1986. Gramática de la lengua guajira. Universidad Católica del

Táchira. San Cristóbal, Venezuela.

Oquendo, L. 1987. “Lectura intercultural de la literatura guajira”. En Memoria del XVII

Congreso de Literatura Venezolana. Caracas, Venezuela.

Oquendo, L. 1996. Lectura intercultural- diferencialista de la literatura indígena guajira.

Tesis de doctorado. Universidad Central de Venezuela. Caracas, Venezuela.

Mythology, Missionaries, and the languages of the Marañón River Basin

Simon Overall (Otago University / James Cook University)

The western margin of the Amazon basin near the modern-day border between Ecuador and

Peru is linguistically diverse, but the indigenous cultures of the area also show notable

similarities, due to a long history of contact and mutual influence. The aim of this talk is to

enquire into the nature and time depth of contact, taking as a starting point observations

made by Beier et al. (2002) and Epps (2015) regarding the importance of discourse practices

to an understanding of linguistic contact in the Amazonian context. This adds not only to the

research on contact phenomena but can also shed light on as yet unresolved questions

regarding possible deep genetic relations among the languages spoken in this area.

The geographical area of the Marañon valley and its tributaries, including the Santiago,

Morona, and Pastaza Rivers on the left bank and the Cahuapanas and Nieva on the right

bank, is home to speakers of Chicham (formerly Jivaroan) languages, the isolate Kandozi-

Chapra (also known as Candoshi), and Pastaza Kichwa (Quechuan). Another isolate,

Urarina, is spoken to the East and was historically in contact with Kandozi-Chapra and

Achuar

(Chicham). The Kawapanan language Shawi is spoken on the right bank tributaries of the

Marañón. Of these, only Kichwa has linguistic relatives outside of the area, and its relatively

recent presence is the result of Andean colonisation and also language shift among originally

Chicham speaking populations under the influence of early missionary activity which used

Quechua as a lingua franca. Colonial records attest to other languages that were lost during

the era of missions and the rubber boom, especially in the Marañón valley to the west of the

modern Chicham speaking area (Adelaar & Muysken 2004: 405). Various hypotheses have

been advanced over the years assigning subsets of these languages to proposed genetic

groupings but with little supporting evidence. Some conspicuous shared etyma and

grammatical patterns, however, require explanation (Wise 2011).

Recent research on an important discourse genre of “magic” songs shows that these are

described for the Chicham-speaking groups (Overall, forthcoming), Kandozi-Chapra

(Surrallés 2009), Urarina (Walker 2013), and are similar to the chants (icaros) used by

Kichwa shamans (Brabec 2002). The magic songs often share mythological motifs with

traditional stories, some of which share themes across Chicham, Kandozi-Chapra, Urarina,

Shawi, and even Arawak. The tradition of oblique reference via metaphor and allusion, and

the importance of animal imagery in these discourse genres, is consistent with Epps’ (2015)

observation that flora and fauna terminology is disproportionately represented (relative to

other parts of the world) in Amazonian loanword repertoires – a phenomenon that Epps also

explicitly links to shamanic discourse.

With respect to the time depth of contact, there is evidence for missionary influence in

mythological themes, and the reducciones of the Maynas mission, as well as SIL/ILV

activity, have clearly played an important role in bringing peoples together. The song

tradition is closely related to ayahuasca shamanism, which itself may be largely a product of

postcolonial social upheaval (Gow 1994). Identifying contact effects that are due to

colonising and mission activity is an important first step towards identifying evidence for

precolonial contact; and this in turn is a step towards disentangling contact from genetic

sources of similarities among languages.

This paper presents examples of shared motifs in oral traditions, and evidence for possible

colonial influence on them, and then presents some examples of shared lexical and

grammatical material. It concludes with an attempt to establish criteria that allow relative

dating of the contact phenomena identified.

References

Adelaar, Willem and Pieter Muysken. 2004. The Languages of the Andes. Cambridge:


Beier, Christine; Michael, Lev; and Sherzer, Joel. 2002. Discourse forms and processes in

indigenous lowland South America: An areal-typological perspective. Annual Review of Anthropology 31: 121-45.

Brabec, Bernd. 2002. Ikaro: Medizinische Gesänge im Peruanischen Regenwald. MPhil

thesis, Vienna University.

Epps, Patience. 2015. The dynamics of linguistic diversity: Language contact and language

maintenance in Amazonia. Slides from a talk presented at 18th Annual Workshop on

American Indigenous Languages, UCSB, May 8 2015.

Gow, Peter. 1994. River People: Shamanism and History in Western Amazonia. In Nicholas

Thomas & Caroline Humphrey (eds.) Shamanism, History, and the State, pp. 90–113.

Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press.

Overall, Simon E. Forthcoming. Parrots, peccaries, and people: Imagery and metaphor in

Aguaruna (Chicham) magic songs. Special issue of International Journal of Cultural Linguistics, edited by A. Y Aikhenvald and A. Storch.

Surrallés, Alexandre. 2009 (trans. Rosa Álvarez). En el corazón del sentido: Percepción, afectividad y acción en los candoshi (Alta Amazonía) [Travaux de l'Institut Français

d'Études Andines, vol. 272; translation of Au coeur du sens: perception, affectivité, action chez les Candoshi (2003)]. Lima: Instituto Francés de Estudios Andinos.

Walker, Harry. 2013. Under a Watchful Eye: Self, Power, and Intimacy in Amazonia.Berkeley/Los Angeles: University of California Press.

Wise, Mary Ruth. 2011. Rastros desconcertantes de contactos entre idiomas y culturas a lo

largo de los contrafuertes orientales de los Andes del Perú. In Adelaar, Willem E.H, Pilar

Valenzuela Bismarck, and Roberto Zariquiey Biondi (eds.) Estudios sobre lenguas Andinas y Amazónicas: Homenaje a Rodolfo Cerrón-Palomino, pp. 305–326. Lima:

Fondo Editorial, PUCP.

Algunos casos de nominalización como subordinación en namtik de Totoró, Cauca, Colombia

Martha Pabon (Universidad de los Andes)

En esta ponencia trataré la relación entre subordinación y nominalización en la variante dialectal de Totoró del idioma namtik. La lengua namtik que incluye la variante dialectal de Guambia ha sido clasificada como perteneciente a la familia lingüística Barbacoa, que abarca un número de lenguas del suroccidente colombiano y noroeste ecuatoriano. Constenla (1991) plantea la configuración del grupo Barbacoa en dos subgrupos: (1) Barbacoa septentrional (suroeste colombiano) compuesto por las lenguas guambiano, totoró y awa-pit; y (2) Barbacoa meridional (noroeste ecuatoriano) con las lenguas cayapa y tsafiki.

La nominalización como estrategia de nominalización es un tema incluido en la agenda de investigación regional andina y suramericana. Van Gijn, Haude y Muysken (van Gijn et al. 2014: 274) plantean que las cláusulas nominalizadas subordinadas son extremadamente comunes en laslenguas suramericanas y que han sido mencionadas repetidamente como un rasgo areal y regionalpara zonas geográficas de diferentes extensiones. Ellos ponen citan a Dixon y Aikhenvald (1999: 9)quienes dicen que en Amazonas las cláusulas subordinadas típicamente incluyen verbosnominalizados con el tipo de nominalización marcado en el verbo. Mencionan a Crevels y Van derVoort (2008) quienes ven “la subordinación a través de la nominalización” como un rasgo areal enlenguas de Bolivia y Brasil. Van Gijn, Haude y Muysken subrayan que las cláusulas subordinadastambién son comunes en el área lingüística andina. Como lo han mostrado Torero (Torero 2002) yAdelaar y Muysken (Adelaar & Muysken, 2004) las lenguas mapudungune, el quechua y el aymaratienen algunos tipos de cláusulas nominalizadas.

Daré un ejemplo para ilustrar el papel de la nominalización en la subordinación. En (1), la cláusula principal contiene el verbo “morir”, la cláusula subordinada contiene el verbo “nacer”. El núcleo de la cláusula subordinada es “árbol” que está ubicado en primera posición y está modificado por el verbo “nacer” que porta -wa ‘participio pasado’. Este participio funciona como nominalizador y subordinador de la cláusula.

(1) [tsik kala-wá] kua-ik kɨ-n

árbol nacer- PRTC.PAS morir[-NF.PAC]-NUM COP-3

‘el árbol nacido murió’ LIT: murió el árbol que nació

Referencias

CONSTELA UMANA, A. 1991. Las Lenguas del Área Intermedia: introducción a su estudio

areal. San José, C.R.: Editorial de la Universidad de Costa Rica.

PABON, Marta. 2017. “Morfosintaxis de las formas no finitas en namtik de Totoró, Cauca, Colombia”. Tesis de doctorado. Université Paris 7 . Paris.

Van GIJN, R, HAUDE, K. & MUYSKEN, P. 2011. “Subordination in South America”. In R. Van GIJN, K. HAUDE & P. MUYSKEN, Subordination in Native South American Languages, 1-23. Amsterdam/Philadelphia: John Benjamins.

Kàjre jarkwa: um mito cantado pelos Krahô

Ian Packer (UNICAMP)

Nesta comunicação pretendo apresentar alguns dados de minha pesquisa

de doutorado sobre os cantos e artes verbais dos índios Krahô – povo indígena falante

de uma língua da família Jê, que vive no norte do estado do Tocantins, no Brasil Central

– tomando como objeto de análise um exemplar em particular, o Kàjre jarkwa, ou

Cantos-fala do Machado.

O Kàjre jarkwa é um dos gêneros mais valorizados pelos Krahô e não é por eles

percebido e classificado nem como canto (increr), nem tampouco como mito (harẽn

xà), mas como um fenômeno intermediário entre esses dois polos: “Nossas grandes

palavras” (mẽ icakôc cati). Exemplo, portanto, de fala e/ou mito cantado, ele reelabora,

por meio de estruturas melódicas, rítmicas e métricas singulares, temas de uma narrativa

mítica em que Hartãt, herói Krahô, guia os índios em uma longa viagem por uma terra

desconhecida até o Pé-do-Céu, árvore que dá sustentação à cúpula celeste e que é um

“mitema” bastante difundido entre na mitologia ameríndia sul-americana. Ao longo

dessa viagem, os Krahô adquiriram não apenas um objeto cerimonial importante, o

Machado, como a própria capacidade de ouvir, compreender e traduzir os cantos de

todos os seres do mundo, com os quais passaram então a compor sua complexa vida

ritual e seus inúmeros gêneros verbo-musicais.

O Kàjre jarkwa é executado por dois experientes cantores que, solitários no

pátio da aldeia por toda uma noite, alternam-se na “narração” de diferentes passagens

dessa viagem: os lugares por onde passaram, os seres que encontraram, os perigos que

correram, etc. Ao longo de sua performance, contudo, fazem constantes referências ao

próprio ato de narrar/cantar em que estão implicados, criando condições assim pra

expressarem no canto também sua situação particular de cantores, assim como

episódios de sua própria biografia.

Em minha comunicação pretendo analisar algumas das características verbais

que, sobretudo no que se refere à reorganização de referências temporais e

espaciais, são determinantes pra diferenciação operada pelo Kàjre jarkwa em

relação à forma e epistemologia do mito e, consequentemente, pra que seja

possível a atualização do passado mítico pelos cantores.

The metrical structure of Jivaroan Nampet ‘Drinking songs’

Jaime Peña (Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú & Universidad Peruana de Ciencias Aplicadas)

This work presents a first detailed account of the metrical structure of Jivaroan nampet‘drinking songs’, with special focus on songs from Wampis and Awajun. More particularly,

the purpose of this paper is to explore the idea that poetry is an extension and application of

everyday language structure (Friedrich 1986) through the study of Jivaroan nampet. It isshown that nampet songs can be considered formally as involving the interaction between

general grammar principles of everyday language and particular principles that are not present

in everyday language. More interestingly, since many nampet songs are composed for the

particular performance, the individual patterns concerning their well-formedness depend on

the creativity of the performer rather than on pre-established or learned poetic rules.

Jivaroan (or Chicham) languages share at least four traditional song genres: anen ‘magical

song’, nampet ‘drinking song’, ujaj ‘war/tsantsa* song’ and shamanic chant (not referred to

by any special term). Although Anen have received fairly good attention in the

anthropological literature, the other Jivaroan poetic genres have not been deeply studied.

Nampet songs are not fixed thematically nor rhythmically, they can be learned but are usually just composed at the moment of performance; in fact, within Jivaroan tradition, nampet is the

most versatile genre in terms of rhythm, creativity and thematic variety.

The present analysis shows that rhythm for a nampet is set with a line that is made up of pure

vocable words (words without any referential content) that vary according to the gender

(male/female) of the performer. Usually (but not obligatorily), this is the first line of the song.

The combination of vocables sets the metrics and the melody of the song, which is then

followed through the end, though subtle variations are permitted. The most basic organization

of the nampet is based on syntactic parallelism between couplets.

As many other languages, Wampis and Awajun allow for ‘special’ syntactic, lexical and

prosodic structures in their poetic traditions. A prime example of this is the treatment of

prosody in songs. Vowel-elision in Awajun and Wampis generally obey quite complex and

strict rules partially based on a iambic rhythm (Payne 1990, Peña 2015). Thus, when singing,

the performer must be aware of both the general stress rules and the song’s own poetic rules.

Whenever a song meter may be broken due to vowel elision by general stress rules, the

application of such rules is canceled and overruled by the song’s made up poetic structure.

That means that quite frequently, general stress rules do not apply or apply only partially in

songs. There a number of strategies to keep the poetic structure of the nampet, such as

cancelling vowel-elision, vowel-lengthening and use of contentless made-up syllables

(vocable suffixes). The poetic structure is based on the mora. Working parallel with the poetic

structure is the nampet song’s musical rhythm, based on a binary beat.

This study fits within the general study of verbal art (Sherzer 1983), more particularly, it is

based on ethnopoetic frameworks in the vein of Hymes (1981) and Bright (1990), among

others; and it also pays attention to the theory of metrical stress and prosodic typology (Hayes

1995, Hyman 2007). Data for this paper comes from 18 nampet songs, of different female and

male singers. These songs were gathered during fieldwork and also include songs recorded by

Wampis and Awajun speakers themselves. The songs belong to a subset of around 4 hours of

Wampis and Awajun songs of different genres, in turn a subset of a general text databases

involving different registers and text types.

ReferencesFriedrich, P. (1986). The language parallax: Linguistic relativism and poetic indeterminacy.

Austin: University of Texas Press.

Hayes, Bruce. 1995. Metrical Stress Theory: Principles and case studies. Chicago: The

University of Chicago Press.

Hyman, Larry M. 2006. Word-prosodic typology. Phonology, 23(2), 225-257

Hymes, Dell. 1981. Hymes, Dell. 1981. In vain I tried to tell you. Philadelphia: University of

Pennsyl- vania Press.

Bright, Wiliam. “With one lip, with two lips: parallelism in Nahuatl”. En Language 66, pp.

437-452.

Payne, David L. 1990. Accent in Aguaruna. In Doris L Payne (ed.), Amazonian linguistics: Studies in lowland South American languages (pp. 161-184). Austin: University of

Texas Press

Peña, Jaime. 2015. A Grammar of Wampis. Doctoral Dissertation. University of Oregon,

Eugene.

A natureza das noções de tempo e a categoria de aspecto em Apyãwa

Walkiria Neiva Praça (Universidade de Brasília/UnB)

Além da noção de tempo poder ser expressa por meio de expressões adverbiais tais como ãxe’i ‘ontem’,

kare, ‘hoje’ em Apyãwa, língua da família Tupí-Guaraní, subgrupo IV (Rodrigues & Cabral, 2002), há

apenas duas partículas específicas para exprimir a dêixis temporal, a saber: ra’e ‘passado’ e ne ‘futuro’,

(como ilustrado nos exemplos (1) e (2) respectivamente). Diferentemente de outras línguas, segundo

Praça (2013), o tempo não é uma categoria gramatical do verbo em Apyãwa. O verbo recebe marcação

de pessoa e de alguns tipos de aspecto, mas não de tempo (exemplo (3)). No mais, a marcação de tempo

está imbricada com a modalidade epistémica. Isto é, o tempo é secundário e dependente do

comprometimento do falante em relação ao que é dito. A fonte de informação em Apyãwa é expressa

por um conjunto de partículas de segunda posição que indica o posicionamento do falante perante o

conteúdo informacional e, concomitantemente, situa o que está dito no tempo. Ou seja, localiza eventos/

estados temporais em relação anterior ou posterior ao momento da enunciação, situando o evento/estado

em um tempo passado ou futuro. Assim, o tempo expresso desempenha um papel de pano de fundo na

modalização. O espaço temporal referente ao passado são o passado recente, médio e remoto atestados e

não atestados, além da partícula ra’e ‘passado’. A ausência de partículas modalizadoras ou de

expressões adverbiais temporais em um enunciado indica que o evento/estado ocorreu em um espaço

temporal próximo ao momento da enunciação e por isso não se necessita de referência (exemplo (4). Há

dois tipos de futuro, um futuro iminente, partícula ekwe (exemplo (5)), que indica que o falante tem um

elevado grau de certeza da efetivação do evento/estado em um futuro imediato, e outro que não vincula

confiabilidade da informação, partícula final de sentença, ne ‘futuro’. Por sua vez, a categoria de aspecto

é expressa de diferentes maneiras em Apyãwa. No que tange ao verbo, essa categoria pode ser expressa

por meio de reduplicação ou por sufixação. A reduplicação expressa basicamente o aspecto inceptivo-

durativo e o de intensificação. Os aspectos iminentivo e completivo são expressos por sufixação. Para

mais, o aspecto também pode ser marcado por partículas tais como: ranõ ‘iterativo’, we ‘perfeito’. A

noção de aspecto cursivo é expressa, em Apyãwa, pelos verbos intransitivos ka ‘estar’, kow ‘estar.dual,

kwãw ‘estar.plural’ e pelos verbos posicionais xow ‘estar.deitado/estático’ e ’ỹj ‘estar.sentado/ estático’,

pa’ym ‘estar.em.pé/estático’ sufixados pelo subordinador -wo, que além de indicar uma tipo de

dependência com a oração matriz, necessariamente exprime correferência entre os sujeitos da oração

matriz e da dependente (exemplo (6)). Este trabalho tem por objetivo descrever como a noção de tempo

e a categoria de aspecto são expressas na língua Apyãwa, tradicionalmente conhecida por Tapirapé.

Língua falada por aproximadamente mil pessoas que residem em duas áreas indígenas no nordeste do

Mato Grosso-Brasil. Pelo que já se conhece desta língua, verificou-se que a marcação da modalidade

epistémica que abarca a noção de tempo, bem como do aspecto têm por escopo todo predicado. O

modelo teórico-metodológico que será utilizado neste trabalho é o da Tipologia Funcional. A opção por

este modelo justifica-se por ser o modelo que mais bem compreende as línguas naturais como dinâmicas

e passíveis de mudanças.

Exemplos

(1) maryn tã ãkaj ere-a ãxe’i rã’ẽ

por que INTER C.I.COM 2sg.I-ir ontem PAS

"por que você foi ontem?"

(2) ãxiwe ã-waem we-a-wo ne

amanhã 1sg.I-chegar 1.COR-ir-GER FUT

"amanhã eu chegarei lá"

(3) xãri’o-ø a-ãpa-paw tope-ø ’ygixe

Xãri’o-REFER 3.I-fazer-COM tope-REFER agora

"Xãri’o terminou de fazer o tope agora mesmo"

(4) xãwãr-a a-o’o xe=r-eymãw-a

cachorro-REFER 3.I-morder 1sg.II=R-animal.doméstico-REFER

"o cachorro mordeu minhas galinhas"

(5) ie-ø ekwe ã-ã ã’ẽ n=a-xewyr-i ’ot-a

1sg-REFER F.IMI 1sg.I-ir CD não=3.I-voltar-NEG 3.vir-GER

"eu irei e ele não voltará"

(6) ã-xãok we-ka-wo

1sg.I-banhar 1.COR-estar-GER

"estou banhando"

Referência bibliográfica

PRAÇA, W. N. Aspectos da modalidade epistêmica em Tapirapé. Boletim do Museu Paraense Emílio

Goeldi. Ciências Humanas, v. 8, n. 2, maio-ago. 2013.

RODRIGUES, A. D. & CABRAL, A. S. A. C. “Revendo a classificação interna da família Tupi-Guarani”.

CABRAL, A. S. A. C. & RODRIGUES, A. R. (orgs.). Línguas Indígenas Brasileiras. Fonologia,

gramática e história. Atas do I Encontro Internacional do Grupo de Trabalho sobre Línguas

Indígenas da ANPOLL. Tomo I. Belém: Editora Universitária-Pará, pp.327-337, 2002.

Aspectos formais e narrativos da mitologia Apyãwa

Walkiria Neiva Praça (Universidade de Brasília/UnB), Aline da Cruz (Universidade Federal de

Goiás - UFG)

Este trabalho tem por objetivo apresentar um estudo preliminar da estrutura dos textos mitológicos do povo Apyãwa, tradicionalmente conhecidos por Tapirapé. Para tanto, analisou-se tanto os aspectos formais quanto os aspectos narrativos, de um conjunto de narrativas míticas, recolhidas entre os falantes desde 1997. Os Apyãwa residem, atualmente, em duas áreas indígenas no nordeste do Mato Grosso, Brasil. Trata-se de um povo Tupí-Guaraní rodeados por grupos Jê. Linguística e socioculturamente apresentam evidências desse contato. Além dos rituais, nos quais há danças, cantos (kã’o) e toda musicalidade, como por exemplo impostação de vozes femininas e gritos ritualísticos, possuem uma mitologia rica e diversificada, que traduz uma compreensão de mundo e de suas origens. Embora a maioria dos adultos conheçam os mitos, estes somente são narrados por anciãos com notoriedade em toda sua sociedade, isto é, além de hierarquia sociocultural esses anciãos são possuidores de grande sabedoria. Vale dizer que os narradores dispostos de sua tecnologia da oralidade, discorrem o texto com vividez e destreza, compondo um quadro descritivo do evento narrado. A narrativa não apresenta preâmbulos introdutórios, uma vez que os ouvintes já têm internalizados seu contexto sociocultural e histórico. Observa-se, por exemplo, que muitos trechos, resgatam a vida cotidiana dos Apyãwa. Por ser internalizada pela maioria dos membros da comunidade, os participantes podem ser inseridos na narrativa in media res, ou seja, as narrativas muitas vezes iniciam-se em pontos cruciais, sem necessidade de explicar todo o contexto – distinguindo-se, por exemplo, da tradução dessas narrativas que precisam recorrer a digressões explicativas para que os ouvintes consigam entender o conteúdo. No que concerne aos aspectos linguísticos, observa-se que os textos são narrados em terceira pessoa e com alguns diálogos diretos. A presença de ideofones é outra característica importante, uma vez que ajudam a compor a sonoplastia, dando dinamicidade ao quadro eventivo. Observa-se ainda que nas narrativas míticas raramente utiliza-se elementos da complexa dêixis da língua Apyãwa. Por outro lado, a utilização das partículas de segunda posição ro’õ e raka’e (como ilustrado em (1)) é uma das características mais marcantes das narrativas míticas. Segundo Praça (2007), são partículas modais que expressam confiabilidade de informação e fonte de informação respectivamente. Raka’e expressa a não-atestação do evento/estado pelo falante e indica ‘passado remoto’ (exemplo (2)), ao passo que ro’õ e expressa que o conteúdo da informação não é assumido pelo falante e o exonera de qualquer responsabilidade sobre o que foi dito (exemplo (3)). Trata-se de uma partícula muito produtiva nas interações diárias, bemcomo nos textos míticos. Mesmo parecendo paradoxal que o narrador se exima do conteúdotransmitido, a análise a ser apresentada aponta o oposto, e indica a necessidade do pesquisadorem conhecer tanto o plano discursivo quanto o narrativo, bem como a contexto sociocultural noqual está se trabalhando.

Exemplos

(1) ã’ẽ rõ’õ rãkã’ẽ xãkowi-ø=agỹ-ø a-ka mokoj xe

CD N.ASS P.REM.N.A Xãkowi-REFER=PL-REFER 3-estar dois REST

"Xãkowi está só com dois (companheiros)"

(2) marewariri-ø rãkã’ẽ a-ãpa tamãkorã-ø

Marewariri-REFER P.REM.N.A 3.I-fazer tamãkorã-REFER

"Marewariri fez o tamãkora"

(3) xãwãr-e’ym-a rõ’õ a-o’o konomĩ-ø

cachorro-NEG-REFER N.ASS 3.I-morder menino-REFER

"parece que não foi o cachorro que mordeu o menino"

Referência bibliográfica

PRAÇA, W. N. Morfossintaxe da língua Tapirapé (família Tupi-Guarani). Tese de doutoramento apresentada à UnB – Universidade de Brasília, Brasília, DF, 2007.

Multimodal discourse in a multilingual setting: Conclusions drawn from the interplay of

language, gesture and ideophones in the Upper Xingu culture area

Sabine Reiter (Universidade Federal do Pará/ DAAD)

Verbal arts in Amazonian oral discourse are not fully described without taking into account

performative features, such as ideophones, gestures and a specific prosody, that co-occur and

interact with language. The observation that ideophones play an important role in oral

discourse goes as far back as to Koch-Grünberg (1916) who documented them in his

transcriptions of Taulipang and Arekuna narratives; and even earlier Steinen (1894), when

reporting on his journey to the headwaters of the Xingu river, described the use of gestures

and ideophones not only in the verbal interaction of the indigenous peoples with outsiders

like himself, but also among themselves. Steinen (1894: 71/72) observed that the

gestures used during oral performances were identical in the different ethnic and linguistic

communities he visited and were sufficiently iconic to permit a basic understanding even to

someone who did not have any knowledge of the language. In the multilingual environment of

the Upper Xingu even then there was a language policy that kept the languages strictly apart,

entitling a person to use only the language(s) of his parents and of the community he was born

into. Since the different linguistic groups form a culture area, sharing a common pool of

rituals and traditional narratives, one may conclude that gestures then served as a “neutral”

means of communication across languages, where nowadays this function has been mostly

taken over by Portuguese. Ideophones and gestures most frequently occur at decisive

moments in narrative discourse to capture the attention of the audience. Furthermore, they

may serve as a memorizing aid for professional storytellers who use them more

frequently than other speakers, notably in mythological narratives that can have a duration

of up to several hours. They are often uttered simultaneously, depicting different aspects of an

event referred to by speech and adding to its overall meaning. Like language, they can also

be used with increasing levels of abstraction when repeatedly picturing the same event in a

narrative. Where Steinen in the late 19th century observed that ideophones varied from

community to community in the Upper Xingu, comparative data from the early 2000s suggest

that these elements are on their way to conventionalize throughout the culture area. This is

surprising in view of the fact that Upper Xinguan people to date adhere to their language

policy, not showing any code-mixing with other languages of the area in their individual

speech, even though most of them are bilinguals to some extent. However,

ideophones, defined as “marked words that depict sensory perceptions” (Dingemanse 2011:

25), differ from other words in a language not only in terms of their marked properties

on different levels of linguistic description, but also with respect to their synchronic and

diachronic behaviour. There is cross-linguistic evidence that ideophones are uttered less

consciously, and thus may be kept where a speaker has switched to a different language

(cf. Mithun´s 1982 observation on Iroquoian languages in contact with English, or Reiter

2012 on the pair Awetí - Kamaiurá). This suggests that ideophones are the lexical items

that first cross language-boundaries in this culture area, and thus would also give further

support to the results of the analysis presented by Chang & Michael (2014), according to

which the languages of the Upper Xingu are in a process of convergence with regard to their

phonological structure. Awetí audio and video data as well as data drawn from the literature

on other Upper Xinguan languages will be presented in this talk in order to illustrate

observations and support hypotheses outlined here.

Bibliography

Chang, Will & Lev Michael (2014). A Relaxed Admixture Model of Language Contact”.

Language Dynamics and Change 4, 1-26.

Dingemanse, Mark (2011). The Meaning and Use of Ideophones in Siwu. Doctoral

dissertation. Radboud Universiteit Nijmegen.

Koch-Grünberg, Theodor (1924 [1916]). Vom Roroima zum Orinoco. Mythen und Legenden

der Taulipang- und Arekuna-Indianer. Vol. II. 2nd edition. Stuttgart: Strecker und Schröder.

Mithun, Marianne (1982). “The synchronic and diachronic behavior of plops, squeaks,

croaks, sighs, and moans”. International Journal of American Linguistics 48: 49-58.

Reiter, Sabine (2012). Ideophones in Awetí. Doctoral dissertation. Kiel: Christian-Albrechts-

Universität.

Steinen, Karl von den (1894). Unter den Naturvölkern Zentral-Brasiliens. Reiseschilderung

und Ergebnisse der Zweiten Schingú-Expedition 1887-1888. Berlin: Dietrich Reimer.

An evaluation of discourse organization theory in Pastaza Kichwa switch-reference

Alexander Rice – University of Alberta

Switch-reference (SR) is defined by Haiman and Munro 1983 as an inflectional category

of the verb that indicates whether or not its subject is identical with the subject of some other

verb. This verbal cross-referencing rule is a typical feature of many South American languages

(van Gijn 2012). In Quechuan languages SR is typically manifested as one of two suffixes on

non-finite verbs in adverbial clauses. When the subject of an adverbial clause is identical to the

subject of its superordinate clause, the verb of the adverbial clause receives a suffix that is

glossed as same-subject (SS). When the subject of the adverbial clause is different than that of

the superordinate clause it receives a different-subject (DS) suffix (shown in examples 1 and 2

on the next page). SR in Pastaza Kichwa (PK) has not yet been examined and this research

approaches it through the lens of previous research on SR in other Quechuan languages.

Quechuan researchers such as Stewart 1988 and Dreidemie 2007 encountered

counterexamples to the verbal cross-referencing rule (example 3). In examining SR in

Conchucos Quechua, Stewart 1988 proposes that SR is ultimately motivated by discourse-

semantic restraints. The key issue is not verbal cross-referencing in the syntax but participant

reference in the discourse. Therefore apparent counterexamples to the syntactic rules of SR in

Quechua follow a higher rule of discourse organization. Stewart posits that the SS marker

indicates the central participant or topic in the discourse and the DS marker an attention drawing

device signaling non-focal participants, actions or states of affairs which are peripheral to the

main topic of discourse.

Thus the ‘main character’ of a narrative will be consistently marked in adverbial clauses

as SS while minor characters will be consistently marked as DS. Stewart also asserts that this

accounts for the fact that SS markers occur much more frequently than the DS marker as most

narratives tend to follow a single main character.

Using Stewart’s theory of discourse organization to examine SR in PK. I undertook an in

context review of five PK narrative texts. I identified all occurrences of SR markers and their

respective subjects. Subjects were classified in accordance with Stewart’s discourse organization

rule as either focal or non-focal participants.

While quantitative data supports the prevalence of the SS marker over the DS marker in

PK, I argue with examples of the SR markers in context that Stewart’s rule of discourse

organization is not applicable to PK. Subjects classed as either focal or non-focal participants

are not consistently suffixed by either marker. Furthermore the notion of focal vs. non-focal

participants appears to be too arbitrary to consistently class subjects as one or the other.

Example 1: PK same subject SR adverbial clause

Ukucha-ta ña win wañu-chi-sha-mi raiku-ra ri-ki!

Rat-ACC then all die-CAUS-SS-EV come.down-PST.3SG look-IMP

So then, look! Killing all of the rats, he would then come down.

Example 2: PK different subject (DS) SR adverbial clause

ñuka pay-na kacha-kpi-mi shamu-ni

1SG 3SG-POSS send-DS-EV come-PRES.1SG

“Because he has sent me, I have come.”

Example 3: Conchucos DS adverbial clause counter example (adapted from Stewart 1988)

Waqa-pti-ki-lla-qa-m, maldicion-yka-ma-nki-man-pis

Cry-DS-2SG-just-TOP-DIR curse-up-me-COND-even

“Just by crying, you might even place a curse upon me.”

References

Dreidemie, Patricia. “Aproximación al sistema de cambio de la referencia (’switch-reference’) en

quechua boliviano: Perspectiva gramatical y discursiva sobre el contraste -∫pa -xti.” Revista

LIAMES: Línguas Indígenas Americanas 7 (2007): 81–96. Web.

Haiman, John, and Pamela Munro, eds. Switch Reference and Universal Grammar.

Amsterdam/Philadelphia: John Benjamins Publishing Co., 1983. Print.

Stewart, Anne M. “Switch-Reference in Conchucos Quechua.” In Honor of Mary Haas: From

the Haas Festival Conference on Native American Linguistics. Ed. William Shipley. Berlin;

New York; Amsterdam: Mouton de Gruyter, 1988. 765–785. Print.

van Gijn, Rik. “Switch-Attention (Aka Switch-Reference) in South-American Temporal Clauses:

Facilitating Oral Transmission.” Linguistic Discovery 10 (2012): 112–127. Web.

(Dreidemie; van Gijn; Stewart; Haiman and Munro)

Functionality as a determinant of the lexical outcomes of language contact:

a study of fire fans in northeastern Amazonia and Andean lowlands

Konrad Rybka (University of California, Berkeley)

In South America, despite demonstrable grammatical convergence that defines several linguistic areas,

lexical borrowing is infrequent (e.g. 1-7). This raises the question what factors moderate the rate of

lexical borrowing and how the paucity of lexical borrowing is compensated by other processes (e.g.

lexical innovation and semantic extension) when cultures come in contact. A particularly felicitous

domain to investigate these questions is the vocabulary of man-made objects: a comparative study of

the actual artifacts can determine in which cases they were borrowed, providing a benchmark against

which the linguistic consequences and their determinants can be gauged. According to one hypothesis,

names of cultural artifacts are likely to be borrowed when a novel use for an object is introduced (8).

Such claims, however, based on identified lexical borrowings only, obscure cases where objects are

borrowed without their names. By mapping the borrowing of the objects against their names, this paper

investigates the role functionality plays in regulating the lexical outcomes of language contact more

broadly. The second goal of this paper is to develop methods for the areal study of linguistic and

cultural change. Language contact is studied at regional and continent levels while ethnographic work

typically focuses on a single group. The methodological contribution of this work is to couple

continent-wide linguistic comparison to continent-wide study of material culture and show that it is

possible to uncover important large-scale cultural and linguistic processes, as well as reveal numerous

smaller-scale processes of cultural contact from which areal patterns arise.

To assess the role functionality plays in determining the outcomes of language contact and to

show the importance of coupling language contact studies with comparative ethnographic research,

this paper focuses on fire fans—tools for fanning cooking fires—and their names in northeastern

Amazonia and Andean lowlands. Having analyzed over a 1000 museum objects and numerous

ethnographic studies, I mapped the fans made by various indigenous groups against their names using

QGIS. The results show that fans are borrowed both when they have new functions and when they do

not. The linguistic results differ accordingly. When borrowed fans do not have new functions,

the usual linguistic result is the semantic extension of the name for the antecedent model to the

inclusion of the borrowed one. By contrast, when the borrowed fans have new functions, the

typical linguistic repercussion is lexical borrowing. Particularly interesting are the fans plaited from

Astrocaryum palms that typically have additional uses related to bitter manioc processing (Figure 1).

As fans with new functions, the models were borrowed by numerous bitter manioc horticulturalists in

northeastern Amazonia, triggering lexical borrowing, forming complex Wanderwörter chains

(Table 1). However, linguistic and ethnographic evidence shows that the same fans were

transplanted by the Proto-Omagua-Kukama from the mouth of the Amazon to the Andean lowlands,

an area characterized by the dispersal of feather fans (Figure 2). Here, Astrocaryum fans were

borrowed by groups that do not rely on bitter manioc. For these groups, the fans did not have new

functions; as a result, the borrowing of the fans triggered semantic extension instead (Table 2). In sum,

the results speak to the importance of linking linguistic forms to their real-life referents and their users

when analyzing patterns of language change as well as to the great impact that the domestication

of bitter manioc has had on the material culture and languages of indigenous peoples in South

America.

Table 1. Lexical borrowing examples: Astrocaryum fans borrowed by bitter manioc horticulturalists.

Language Name, Etymological status

Aruan malay, borrowing, possibly from Kali'ña marai popuru, a plaiting pattern used in fans

Kukama marawe, borrowing from Aruan malayXiriâna marawi, borrowing from (Proto-Omagua-)Kukama marawe, possibly through Manao

Paumarí marawi, borrowing from (Proto-Omagua-)Kukama marawe

Table 2. Semantic extension examples: Astrocaryum fans borrowed by groups that rely on other crops.

Language Etymological status

Iquito apíraati, semantic extension from the name of a fan made from Attalea phalerata Yameo nawatě’, semantic extension from the name of a sitting mat made from Attalea phalerataYagua pããpyẽẽtyu, semantic extension from the name of a feather fan

Urarina inyaro, semantic extension from the name of a sitting mat made from Attalea phalerata

References:

1. Aikhenvald, A.Y (2010) Language Contact in Amazonia. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

2. Birchall, J.T.R. (2014). Argument Marking Patterns in South American Languages. Utrecht: LOT.

3. Bowern, C., H. Haynie, C. Sheard, et al. (2014). Loan and Inheritance Patterns in Hunter-Gatherer

Ethnobiological Systems. Journal of Ethnobiology 34(2):195–227.

4. Michael, L., W. Chang, and T. Stark (2014). Exploring Phonological Areality in the Circum-Andean

Region Using a Naive Bayes Classifier. Language Dynamics and Change 4(1): 27–86.

5. Seifart, F. (2011). Bora Loans in Resígaro: Massive Morphological and Little Lexical Borrowing in a

Moribund Arawakan Language. Cadernos de Etnolingüística. Série Monografias 2.

6. Seki, L. (2006). The Upper Xingu as a Linguistic Area. In: The Amazonian Languages, R.M.W. Dixon

and A.Y. Aikhenvald, eds. Pp. 417–430. Cambridge Language Surveys. Cambridge: Cambridge

University Press.

7. Epps, P., and L. Michael (2015). The Areal Linguistics of Amazonia. In: Cambridge Handbook ofAreal Linguistics, R. Hickey, ed. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

8. Bowern, C., H. Haynie, P. Epps, J. Hill, and P. McConvell (2014). Wanderwörter in Languages of the

Americas and Australia. Ampersand 1:1–18.

Figure 1. Examples of Astrocaryum fans that spread through northeastern Amazonia and were introduced to the Andean lowlands: 1. Kali'ña; 2. Paumarí; 3. Kukama, 4. Omagua; 5. Secoya, 6. Urarina.

Figure 2. The distribution of major types of fanning equipment: feather fans (red); plant fans (green); both feather and plant fans (yellow); firetubes (black); no specialized tool (blue).

El Aspecto en el Wayúunaiki

Andrés M. Sabogal (Universidad de Nuevo México)

En el Wayúunaiki se maneja un sistema de finitud verbal donde es obligatorio

marcar el verbo como activo o estativo, y como real o irreal. El estado y el modo

Realis se expresan mediante cero, mientras que el activo y el irreal se marcan

explícitamente; mediante prefijos y sufijos temáticos respectivamente. El uso de

sufijos de tiempo gramatical es opcional ya que el tiempo se puede inferir por medio de

la oposición epistémica: real-irreal. Además de la distinción activo-estativo, todo verbo se debe expresar como simple

o múltiple, el último distingue el aspecto iterativo que se asocia a la multiplicidad del

sujeto en intransitivas o del objeto en transitivas. En 1b abajo se ejemplifica la forma

múltiple en la que la cláusula se entiende como iterativa, e imperfectiva debido a que las

cerezas se presentan como genéricas. Atravesando las categorías estativa-activa, el uso

del verbo auxiliar maa le añade enfoque a la fase inceptiva de estados y acciones. En 2b

se ejemplifica el efecto aspectual del auxiliar. Por último, el uso de los sufijos de género

y número lü♀, li ♂, lii “plural” en acciones tienen un efecto que llamo la estativización.

Esta operación aspectual se ejemplifica en 3b, donde se demuestra como la dinamicidad

del “cazar” se modifica completamente al usar estos sufijos.

1.a. E-kü-shi taya apünüin-sü jaippai

IMP-comer-♂ yo tres-♀ cereza Me comí tres cerezas

b. Ekajüshi taya jaippai wopu-lu’u IMP-comer-MLT-♂ yo cereza camino-INES Comí cerezas en el camino.

2.a. Ta-kumajü-in ne-’ejena

1S-arreglar-NEU 3♂-vehículoLe arregé el carro a él.

b. Ta-kumaja ta-mü-sü ne-’ejena 1S-arreglar 1S-AUX-♀ 3♂-vehículo Empecé a arreglar el carro de él.

3.a. To-lojü-in wanee atpanaa

1S-cazar-NEU un conejo Cacé un conejo

b. O-lojü-i taya IMP-cazar-♂ yo Soy cazador

Abreviaturas: ♂ Masculino, ♀ Femenino, 1S primera persona singular, 3♂ tercera persona singular

masculina, AUX Auxiliar, IMP Impersonal, , INES Inesivo, MLT Múltiple, NEU Objeto Neutral.

Pirahã’s verbal morphology - towards a reassessment

Raiane Salles (University of British Columbia)

Statement of the problem: Pirahã is a Muran language spoken by less than a thousand

speakers who live by the river Maici, in Humaitá, Amazonas, Brazil. Most of its description

was done by SIL (Summer Institute of Linguistics) missionaries/linguists, but there is a range

of discrepancy among their reports. In this paper, I will focus on TAM verbal affixes in

Pirahã. First, I will compare the analyses given by three different authors: D. Everett (1986),

K. Everett (1987) and Sheldon (1988). Then, I will present my own fieldwork data,

discussing cases where their analyses do not hold, introducing my own analysis.

The Pirahã verbal morphology is not very well understood thus far. The three authors

aforementioned have different conclusions both about the morpheme break of verb forms,

and as to how the verb suffixes should be glossed. But the main difference among their

approaches is whether Pirahã should be considered morphologically tenseless, i.e. in

Comrie’s (1985) sense, lacking phonologically overt tense morphology. Example (1), glossed

and translated by D. Everett (1986), is representative of his tenseless analysis of Pirahã. The

multiple verbal morphemes we see would be aspect and mood markers, which can be used

with any temporal reference salient in the context.

(1) hi xa -oho -ái -p -iig -á -há -taio3 ? -eat -ATELIC-IPFV-CONT-REMOTE-COMPL.CERT-RESULT

'Therefore, he is eating/he was eating/he will be eating.’ (Everett, 1986)

However, not all authors agree that Pirahã is tenseless. Sheldon (1988) and K. Everett

(1987) present analyses in which past, present, and future reference are morphologically

encoded. Moreover, my fieldwork data reveal that there are some combinations of

morphemes that are preferably used depending on the event time. They are -á-há for present,

-í-koí for past, and -í-hái for future events. For instance, the two morphemes in (1) -á and -háare most frequently chosen for habitual and present progressive constructions. Also,

sentences like (2), with past event time, usually use the morphemes -í and koí. And the -í +-hái combination as in (3) is exclusive to future events.

(2) Context: speaker’s mom died a long time ago.

ti bai koabáip-í-koí ipóihí1 parent die-NON.PRES-REAL woman

‘My mom died.’ (Fieldwork, 2016)

(3) Context: speaker is announcing to the others that I will make coffee (because I said Iwould and went towards the house).

ʔi kapí kaaip-í-hái3F coffee make-NON.PRES-IRR

‘She’ll make coffee.’ (Fieldwork, 2017)

The facts I briefly mention here point towards the necessity of a new analysis of these verbal

suffixes, taking into account the description of the facts as presented in the eighties and new

fieldwork data. I will propose a realis vs. irrealis system in Pirahã, which sets apart future and

non-future events, as well as a present/non-present split within the tense system. Although not

frequently attested cross-linguistically (cf. Comrie, 1985), a present/non-present system

seems consistent with the split made by Pirahã adverbials such as ahoahiái ‘yesterday/

tomorrow’.

References: Comrie, B. 1985. Tense. New York: Cambridge University Press; Everett, D.

1986. Pirahã. In Handbook of Amazonian languages, Desmond C. Derbyshire and Geoffrey

K. Pull (eds.). Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter, vol. 1, 200–325; Everett, K. M. 1987. Dictionary(Pirahã-Portuguese). (manuscript). Sheldon, S. 1988. Os sufixos verbais Mura-Pirahã. SérieLinguística 9.146–75.

La interacción entre aspecto, modo, evidencialidad y su interpretación temporal en

urarina

Gema Silva (Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú), Jaime Peña (Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú & Universidad Peruana de Ciencias Aplicadas)

El presente trabajo propone un primer análisis detallado de la interacción entre diferentes

dominios modales, evidenciales y aspectuales, y sus posibles interpretaciones temporales

en urarina, una lengua aislada del nor-oriente peruano. A diferencia de otras lenguas

relativamente cercanas geográficamente ―e.g. Yagua (Payne & Payne 1990), Matsés

(Fleck 200), Kukama-Kukamiria (Vallejos 2017), Awajun (Overall 2017), Wampis (Peña

2015) ―, el urarina no presenta marcas formales explícitas para la expresión del tiempo

(Olawsky 2006). Sin embargo, el presente análisis revela que diversos matices de

temporalidad en pasado y futuro de las cláusulas del urarina se obtienen a partir de la

combinación de distintos morfemas, como los de irrealis (-ri), asertividad (=ni),diferentes sufijos aspectuales o los morfemas evidenciales, como el asertivo/información

de primera mano (=ni) o el reportativo (=je) (ver algunas de estas combinaciones en (1)–

(6)). Si bien el excelente trabajo de Olawsky (2006) da cuenta de algunas de estas

estrategias de interpretación temporal, el presente estudio revela que el sistema de anclaje

de la temporalidad usado en urarina es todavía más complejo debido a su interacción con

bases verbales (stems) derivadas con un grupo de sufijos de naturaleza aspectual y

modal. Así, la combinación de elementos de distinta naturaleza morfológica y semántica

muestra que el anclaje de la interpretación temporal en urarina involucra resultados

semánticos a veces bastante sutiles a partir de la interacción de distintas categorías

gramaticales. De hecho, algunos de los fenómenos que se muestran para la interpretación

temporal en urarina son esperables de acuerdo con algunos patrones encontrados en la

literatura tipológica, tal como la partición entre un mundo real/mundo irreal y el uso del

irrealis para el futuro (Velupillai 2016; Givón 2001: 351); sin embargo, otros fenómenos

reportados en el presente trabajo, como la relación entre marcas de asertividad, certeza y

tiempo (ver (7)) todavía son raros o poco estudiados.

El urarina es una lengua aislada en estado vital que cuenta con aproximadamente 5,188

hablantes, que habitan en comunidades ribereñas de los ríos Urituyacu, Chambira,

Corrientes, y sus respectivos tributarios, en el departamento de Loreto (Ministerio de

Cultura 2016). Las descripciones que se tienen de esta lengua corresponden

principalmente a las variedades habladas en el río Chambira ―dialectos occidentales y

del alto Chambira― (Olawsky 2006). Por otro lado, nuestro trabajo ofrece datos

originales recogidos durante trabajo de campo en comunidades del río Corrientes, que

constituyen una variedad diferente y todavía poco estudiada. De este modo, este artículo

constituye un aporte a los estudios sobre esta lengua, en particular, y a los estudios de

TAME en lenguas amazónicas, en general.

Ejemplos

(1) Kanü=na Ninichu icha-un=lü1SG=FOC río.Chambira vivir-1SG =REM

‘Yo vivía en el río Chambira. [hace muchos años]’

(2) Kuriki kulane=te ne-üre=lü=je kachaa-ürü dinero sin=FOC ser-3pl=REM=REP hombre-PL

‘Dicen que la gente vivía sin dinero.’

(3) Raana ne-in=te ne-rejete=lü kacha huangana ser-PRT= FOC ser-HAB1=REM hombre

‘Las huanganas solían ser gente.’

(4) Alaa ke=na lenune-re-ü=niAguaje INS=FOC comer-IRR-1SG=AS

‘Comeré aguaje.’

(5) Ii kuara-je-ri-chaü=ni2SG mirar-CNT-IRR-1SG=AS

‘Estaré mirándote.’

(6) Ate kureraja ja-najaauka Demetriopescado mazamorra hacer-HAB2:3SG NOM

‘Demetrio siempre hace mazamorra de pescado.’

(7) Su-i=ni=je=taumatar-2SG=wit=REP=CERT

‘Dicen que mataste’

Abreviaturas AS=Asertivo, CERT=Certeza, CNT=Continuo, FOC=Focalizador, HAB1=Habitual

(completo), HAB2=Habitual (incompleto), INS=Instrumental, IRR=Irrealis, PRT=Participio,

REM=Pasado remoto, REP=Reportativo, SEG=Seguridad

Referencias

Fleck, David. 2007. Evidentiality and double tense in Matses. Language 83: 589–614.

Ministerio de Cultura. 2016. Base de datos de pueblos indígenas u originarios. Lima:

Ministerio de Cultura. En: http://bdpi.cultura.gob.pe (Consulta: 11 de enero de

2018)

Olawsky, Knut. 2006. A Grammar of Urarina. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter.

Payne, Doris L., & Thomas E. Payne. 1990. Yagua. In Desmond Derbyshire & Geoffrey

Pullum (Eds.), Handbook of Amazonian languages, Vol. 2, pp. 249-474. Berlin:

Mouton de Gruyter.

Fleck, David. 2007. Evidentiality and double tense in Matses. Language 83: 589–614.

Givón, T. 2001. Syntax: An introduction. Vol. 1. Amsterdam: John Benjamins.

Olawsky, Knut. 2006. A Grammar of Urarina. Berlin: De Gruyter Mouton.

Overall, Simon. 2017. A Grammar of Aguaruna (Iiniá Chicham). Berlin: De Gruyter

Mouton.

Peña, Jaime. 2015. A Grammar of Wampis. Tesis doctoral. University of Oregon,

Eugene.

Vallejos, Rosa. 2017. A Grammar of Kukama-Kukamiria. Leiden: Brill.

The expression of tense in Tuparı, a Tupıan language of the Brazilian AmazonAdam Roth Singerman (University of Chicago)

This talk analyzes the expression of tense in Tuparı, a Tupıan language spoken in the Brazilian state of Rondonia. Previous work on Tuparı (Caspar and Rodrigues 1957; Alves 2004) discusses only one tense morpheme, the near past suffix -t, but our own research has determined that the language’s tense system is in fact much more intricate. The data that we will discuss in this talk have been collected by the author as part of an ongoing documentation project, with priority given to examples excerpted from texts and casual conversation.

We advance the following claims. First, we argue that tense is an obligatory category in verbal clauses. Seemingly tenseless utterances, such as (1), in fact have a highly restricted temporal interpretation: the event must have taken place just a few minutes before the present.

(1) Owakiretmy.pet

tesot’asa.3.die

‘My pet has passed away.’ [the dying of the pet has just taken place]

Utterances such as (1) are in paradigmatic contrast with ones that contain overt temporal marking.This marking may take the form of a verbal suffix (example 2) or a second position particle (3).

(2) Owakiretmy.pet

tesot’asa-t.3.die-NEAR.PAST

‘My pet passed away.’ [at least two days butnot more than two years before the present]

(3) Owakiretmy.pet

opotDISTANT.PAST

tesot’asa.3.die

‘My pet passed away.’ [at least two yearsbefore the present]

The placement of subject pronouns, which are sensitive to the position of tense in the linear string,indicates that clauses such as (1) in fact contain a phonologically null tense morpheme (Author2018a). As far as verbal predicates are concerned, there is strong evidence that tense is presenteven in superficially unmarked contexts – i.e., tense is an obligatory clausal category in Tuparı.

Second, Tuparı makes a robust series of gradations in the past tense. The forms seen in (1),(2) and (3) belong to a larger set of grammaticized tense markers. This set includes the secondposition particle kut, which marks events that took place prior to the speaker’s birth (ubiquitousin myths and narratives), as well as a series of auxiliaries which combine with -t, opot and kutto produce intermediate temporal gradations. Crucially, all of this tense marking is independentof evidentiality. Unlike Matses (Fleck 2007) and many other Amazonian languages, the Tuparıtense markers only encode information about how far back into the past an event took place; theysay nothing about whether the speaker saw the event firsthand, about how the speaker acquiredinformation about the event, and so on. While Tuparı does make an obligatory evidential distinction– contrasting witnessed events against non-witnessed ones – this is encoded using morphology thatis formally and functionally distinct from tense proper (Author 2018b). In other words, whetherthe speaker chooses to employ the evidential suffix -pne/-psira (with allomorphy determined viaagreement with the number of the subject) is independent of the kind of temporal marking thathe or she uses: ancient past kut, distant past opot, near past -t, or superficially unmarked (as inexample (1)).

The complexity of Tuparı tense marking exceeds that found in close relatives such as Mekens(Galucio 2001) or Wayoro (Nogueira 2011). Indeed, we know of no other Tupıan languages thatexhibit such an elaborate tense system. In future research we will investigate how the Tuparısystem developed diachronically; this work should complement ongoing efforts to reconstruct thehistory of the Tuparıan branch of Tupıan (Moore and Galucio 1994; Galucio and Nogueira 2011).

Works CitedAlves, Poliana Maria. 2004. O lexico do Tuparı: proposta de um dicionario bilıngue. Doctoral

Dissertation, Universidade Estadual Paulista, Araraquara.Caspar, Franz, and Aryon Dall’Igna Rodrigues. 1957. Versuch einer grammatik der Tuparı-

sprache. Unpublished manuscript.Fleck, David W. 2007. Evidentiality and double tense in Matses. Language 83(3):589–614.Galucio, Ana Vilacy. 2001. The morphosyntax of Mekens (Tupi). Doctoral Dissertation, University

of Chicago.Galucio, Ana Vilacy, and Antonia Fernanda Nogueira. 2011. Comparative study of the Tupari

branch of the Tupi family: contributions to understanding its historical development and internalclassification. In Memorias del V Congreso de Idiomas Indıgenas de Latinoamerica, 6-8 deoctubre de 2011.

Moore, Denny, and Ana Vilacy Galucio. 1994. Reconstruction of proto-Tupari consonants andvowels. In Proceedings of the 1993 meeting of the Society for the Study of the IndigenousLanguages of the Americas, 119–137.

Nogueira, Antonia Fernanda de Souza. 2011. Wayoro emeto: fonologia segmental e morfossintaxeverbal. Master’s thesis, Universidade de Sao Paulo.

Morfemas de aspecto e a distinção entre nominalização e oração subordinada em Wayoro (Tupí)

Antônia Fernanda de Souza Nogueira (Universidade de São Paulo & Universidade Federal do Pará)

Wayoro é uma língua Tupi, da subfamília Tupari (Moore et al., 2008), localizada no estado de Rondônia (Terra Indígena Rio Guaporé, Guajará-Mirim, e Alta Floresta d’Oeste, cerca 250 pessoas). A língua Wayoro tem atualmente apenas três falantes fluentes. Os dados aqui apresentados são oriundos de pesquisa de campo realizada principalmente na Terra Indígena Rio Guaporé entre os anos de 2008 e 2017 (Nogueira, 2011, 2013, 2015).

Este trabalho argumenta que a presença de propriedades sentenciais, como as marcas de aspecto, podem ser usadas para distinguir nominalizações de orações subordinadas na língua Wayoro.

Os morfemas aspectuais identificados até o momento — presentes também em outras línguas da subfamília Tupari — são: {-kw} para indicar repetição e intensificação (pluracionalidade do evento), como em (1), e {-rara∼-ara} para indicar repetição, como em (2). Tais morfemas aspectuais coocorrem com os morfemas que indicam tempo, como {-t} ’não-futuro’ (cf. exemplo 2), evidenciando que existe na língua distinção formal entre aspecto e tempo (Nogueira, 2017).

Rodrigues and Cabral (2012, 556) afirmam que

In modern Tupí languages, nominalizations by means of re-flexes of the PT [Proto-Tupí] suffix **-ap are found in any argu-mental function.

Em Wayoro, os dados sugerem que há dois tipos de construções envolvendoo morfema cognato {-p}. Há uma nominalização lexical que se comportasintaticamente como um nome, pois pode ser modificada por um adjetivoou outro nome e não permite o uso de afixos verbais, como os morfemas deaspecto.

Por outro lado, há construções com {-p} que permitem diferentes afixosverbais, como a marca de aspecto repetitivo (cf. exemplo (3)) e o morfema{-kw} ’pluracionalidade’. Analisaremos construções desse tipo como oraçõessubordinadas ou encaixadas uma vez que têm propriedades sentenciais. Asorações subordinadas são formalmente distintas das sentenças matrizes pornão permitirem morfemas de tempo e concordância entre verbo intransitivoe seu argumento.

Galucio (2011) captura a diferença de comportamento de construções como nominalizador {-ap} na língua Mekens (também da subfamília Tupari),propondo a distinção entre nominalização lexical (locativa e instrumental) enominalização de evento.

(1) e=mõ-ato-kw-a-t2sg=caus-banhar.se-pl-vt-nfut

on1sg

Eu banhei você. (Nogueira, 2011, 149)

(2) o-ndo-rara-p1sg-deitar-rep-inf

nãfut

on1sg

Eu vou deitar de novo.

(3) e-ndo-rara-p2sg-deitar-rep-inf

toa-tver-nfut

on1sg

Eu vi você deitar de novo.

ReferênciasGalucio, A. V. (2011). Subordinate adverbial constructions in mekens. Su-bordination in Native South American Languages 97, 25.

Moore, D., A. V. Galucio, and N. G. Junior (2008). O desafio de documentare preservar as línguas amazônicas. Scientific American Brasil 3, 36–43.

Nogueira, A. (2015). Em busca das classes de palavras da língua wayoro.Revista LinguíStica 10 (2).

Nogueira, A. (2017). The morphosyntax of nominalization in wayoro (tupí):A preliminary approach. Diadorim: revista de estudos linguísticos e lite-rários 19.

Nogueira, A. F. d. S. (2011). Wayoro emeto: fonologia segmental e morfos-sintaxe verbal. Ph. D. thesis, Universidade de São Paulo.

Nogueira, A. F. d. S. (2013). Descrição e análise do prefixo {e-} intr da línguawayoro (ayuru, tronco tupí). Boletim do Museu Paraense Emílio Goeldi.Ciências Humanas 1 (1), 325–341.

Rodrigues, A. and A. S. Cabral (2012). Tupían. In L. Campbell and V. Gron-dona (Eds.), The indigenous languages of South America: a comprehensiveguide, Chapter 9, pp. 495–576. Berlin/Boston: Walter de Gruyters.

Abreviaturas

1sg primeira pessoa do singular; 2sg segunda pessoa do sin-gular; caus causativo; fut futuro; inf infinitivo; nfut não-futuro; pl pluracionalidade; rep repetição; vt vogal temática

The Art of Responding in Wa’ikhana

Kristine Stenzel (Federal University of Rio de Janeiro), Nicholas Williams (University of Colorado Boulder)

This paper presents preliminary findings related to the organization of social

interaction among speakers of Wa’ikhana, a highly endangered East Tukano language of

northwestern Amazonia. We focus on a set of highly salient minimal responses in Wa’ikhana

conversations (cf. Sorjonen 2001 on joo and niin in Finnish), arguing that each distinctive

response type is found in a unique sequential position. While mundane conversation is not

typically considered among the more formal categories of verbal art such as narratives, songs, or

ritual language, we argue for its inclusion here for two reasons. First, mundane conversation is

the most basic form of language use upon which more formal speech genres are based

(Levinson 1983; Sidnell 2001). Second, conversation across cultures displays both adherence

to universal principles and unique language-specific properties (Dingemanse and Floyd 2014),

including in the organization of ways of responding (see Brown 2000 for repetition in

Tzeltal). This paper begins to explore this balance with regard to normative ways of responding

in several types of informal interaction in Wa’ikhana.

We consider video-recorded data and examine responsive actions (cf. Thompson, Fox

and Couper-Kuhlen 2015) in the talk of a respected Wa’ikhana teacher and local leader in three

types of interaction: (i) an informal interview with his mother on the topic of Wa’ikhana

history and migrations; (ii) a spontaneous dyadic discussion with a close friend about

issues in the development of the Wa’ikhana dictionary; and (iii) an informal multiparty

interaction during a collective breakfast. On initial inspection, these interactions exhibit a

number of highly salient minimal response tokens, including repeating part of the prior turn,

equivalents of ‘yes’ and ‘uh-huh’, as well as other vocal but non-verbal responses (‘mm’, ‘aa’)

with distinct prosodic patterns. Our primary goal is to categorize these various types of

minimal responses to better understand how they are distributed and what each one achieves,

moreover observing the role of body position and other non-verbal aspects of responsive

turns. We use Conversation Analytic methods to categorize these practices with regard to

their sequential position and both the action(s) they achieve and the (prior) action(s) to which

they are responsive. This initial overview will lay the groundwork for more in depth

investigation of individual response types in future studies.

We view responding in Wa’ikhana conversation as a special kind of ‘verbal art’, some

examples of which, taken from the informal interview, are given below. Based on initial

observation each response token appears to accomplish something different. For instance, while

the son’s response in (b), ‘uh-huh’ + partial repeat (Ʉ, sahaya sañakã) appears to acknowledge

(and perhaps) claim understanding of the mother’s informing about her mother’s ‘skirt-wearing’,

his response in (d), a minimal interjection (ãaa) seems to register, but not clearly align with or

claim understanding of, the mother’s assessment of how her own mother felt about wearing

skirts. Finally, in (g), a the son’s partial repeat response (kalipuhtikã) displays understanding and

alignment with the mother’s reformulated assessment of her own mother’s feelings in (e)-(f),

offered perhaps due to the son’s insufficient response in (d). Our ongoing analysis will work to

clarify these functions based on a larger collection of examples drawn from additional

naturalistic interactions, furthering our understanding of aspects of Wa’ikhana discourse, and

also contributing to discussions of interaction in crosslinguistic perspective.

Data excerpt (interlinear information omitted for space considerations), from a sequence in which

the mother (M) is talking with her son (S) about the use of clothing imposed by the first priests

who arrived in the region:

a. (M) yʉ’ʉ pahko mʉnano sahaya sañalikodo ihiketidi naha.

‘My late mother (had to) learn to wear a skirt (lit: became a skirt-wearer).’

b. (S) Ʉ, sahaya sañakã.

‘Uh-huh, wear a skirt.’

c. (M) a’li bo'do sañano ehedipo’na du'a waduetidi.

‘When they started to wear clothes, they felt uncomfortable.’

d. (S) ãaa...

e. (M) yʉ’ʉ, yʉ’ʉ wa'ma nu'miagõ ihigo i’ñetii.

‘When I was a young girl, I saw this myself.’

f. (M) ne to waedaye naha, yo kalipuhtiketidi.

‘(They) didn’t feel well (wearing clothes), were bothered (by the heat).

g. (S) kalipuhtikã.

Bothered.

References cited

Brown, Penelope. 2000. Conversational Structure and Language Acquisition: The Role of

Repetition in Tzeltal. Journal of Linguistic Anthropology 8(2):197-22.

Dingemanse, Mark., & Simeon Floyd. 2014. Conversation across cultures. The Cambridge

handbook of Linguistic Anthropology, edited by Nick J. Enfield, 447-480. Cambridge:


Levinson, Stephen C. 1983. Pragmatics. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Sidnell, Jack. 2001. Conversational turn-taking in a Caribbean English Creole. Journal of

Pragmatics, 33(8), 1263-1290.

Sorjonen, Marja-Leena. 2001. Responding in conversation: A study of response particles in

Finnish. Vol. 70. Amsterdam/Philadelphia: John Benjamins Publishing Company.

Thompson, Sandra. A., Barbara A. Fox & Elizabeth Couper-Kuhlen. 2015. Grammar in

everyday talk: Building responsive actions. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Toward a description of Intonation Patterns in Ecuadorian Siona

Jesse Stewart (University of Saskatchewan), Martine Bruil (Universiteit Leiden)

Ecuadorian Siona is a Western Tukanoan language that shows a rather distinct prosodic system from the systems described for other Tukanoan languages. Tukanoan languages, such as Barasana, Tatuyo, Kotiria, Tukano and Máíh� ki have been described as languages that possess a tonal system (See Gomez-Imbert 1997 and Gomez-Imbert and Kenstowicz 2000 for Barasana and Gomez-Imbert 2004 for Tatuyo and Barasana; Stenzel 2013 for Kotiria; Ramirez 1997: 68–85 for Tukano; Farmer 2015: 21-24). Other languages such as Kubeo and Koreguaje have been described as languages with both a tone and a stress system (See Wetzels & Meira 2010 citing Chacón 2010 for Kubeo and Gralow 1985 for Koreguaje). Earlier descriptions of varieties closely related to Ecuadorian Siona already provide a distinct picture of their prosodic systems: Colombian Siona and Sekoya possess stress systems according to Wheeler (1987) and Johnson and Levinsohn (1990) respectively.

This paper offers a preliminary description of the pitch accent and boundary tone configurations found in Ecuadorian Siona using the autosegmental framework (Pierrehumbert 1980) in a ToBI transcription system (Silverman 1984). We explore general patterns involved in declarative, exclamative, imperative, list, vocative, wh-question, yes/no question, surprisal etc. utterances at the prosodic word, intermediate phrase, and intonational phrase levels. Data was collected in the community of Sototsiaya, Ecuador using loosely structured role-playing events between community members. The information presented in this study will provide a basis for comparison for intonation patterns with other Tukanoan languages using phonetic analysis.

Some preliminary findings reveal that both NPAs and PNPAs at the PW level in standard declaratives begin with a flat neutral pitch contour that raises to an H* target near the final syllable. For the overall IP, the pitch contour ends with a L-L% boundary tone. However, unlike declaratives where each prosodic word receives a H*, WH-questions typically only receive a NPA on the question constituent. This focus on the WH-constituent drives the rest of the utterance to become deaccented causing a downward trend in the pitch contour until its conclusion at the IP with a L-L% boundary tone. Single word question utterances (e.g., Where? There? Here? What?) appear to begin with a neutral pitch contour and raise to an H* where the IP also concludes with a H-H% boundary tone. Yes/no questions, only differ slightly from standard declaratives in that a prominent H* NPA (greater increase in f0) is realized on the final syllable of the final word in an utterance before falling to a L-L% boundary tone. Similarly, when there is a change in focus, contrast, or emphasis is placed on a given PW, a more prominent H* NPA is typically assigned. In some of these instances, the rest of the utterance becomes deaccented. List intonation, reflects standard declaratives with a H* target on each item until the final item, which takes a L* PA. Before the list begins, it is common to find a L- ip boundary. Unlike speakers of other Tukanoan languages, there is no evidence in the way of lexical tone; instead, Siona appears to have a small inventory of mostly monotonic pitch accents, which are used to convey focus and differentiating a limited number of phrase types. While results are preliminary, it appears that Siona speakers rely more heavily on lexical choice and morphological marking rather than a complex set of prosodic speech patterns to distinguish one phrase type from another. Whether PAs correlate with stress cues (e.g., increased amplitude & greater vowel length) will also be investigated.

ToBI = Tones and Break Indices; PA = Pitch Accent; NPA = Nuclear Pitch Accent; PNPA = Prenuclear Pitch Accent; PW = Prosodic Word; IP = Intonation Phrase; ip = Intermediate Phrase (aka, accentual phrase); H = High

Tone; L = Low Tone; * = Target; %=Boundary Tone; - = Intermediate Phrase Tone; f0 = Fundamental Frequency

References

Farmer, S. J. (2015). Establishing Reference in Máíh� kì (PhD Dissertation). University of California, Berkeley.

Frances, G. (1985). The Coreguaje suprasegmental system: Tone, stress and intonation. In R. M. Brend (Ed.), From Phonology to Discourse: Studies in Six Colombian Languages (pp. 3–11). Dallas: SIL.

Gómez-Imbert, E. (1997). Morphologie et phonologie Barasana: Approche non-linéaire. Université de Paris 8, Paris.

Gómez-Imbert, E. (2004). Fonología de dos idiomas tukano del Piraparaná: barasana y tatuyo (Vol. 29/30, pp. 43–80). Presented at the CELIA, Paris: Amerindia.

Gómez-Imbert, E., & Kenstowicz, M. (2000). Barasano tone and accent. International Journal of American Linguistics, 66, 419–463.

Johnson, O. E., & Levinshon, S. H. (1990). Gramatica Secoya (Vol. 11). Quito: Instituto Lingüístico de Verano.

Pierrehumbert, J. (1980). The Phonology and Phonetics of English Intonation. (PhD Dissertation). MIT, Cambridge.

Ramirez, H. (1997). A Fala dos Ye’pa-Masa, Tomo I Gramática. Manaus: Inspectoria Salesiana Missionária da Amazônia.

Silverman, K., Beckman, M., Pitrelli, J., Ostendorf, M., Wightman, C., Price, P., … Hirschberg, J. (1992). ToBI: A standard for labeling English prosody. In Proceedings of the 1992International Conference on Spoken Language Processing (Vol. 2, pp. 867–870). Banff.

Stenzel, K. (2013). A Reference Grammar of Kotiria (Wanano). Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press.

Wetzels, L., & Meira, S. (2013). A Survey of South American stress systems. In E. van Zanten, R. Goedemans, & H. van Hulst (Eds.), A Survey of Word Accentual Patterns in theLanguages of the World (pp. 313–380). Berlin & New York: De Gruyter Mouton.

Wheeler, A. (1987). Gantëya Bain: El Pueblo Siona del río Putumayo (1st ed.). Bogotá, Colombia: Instituto Lingüístico de Verano.

Verbal Art in a Karitiana Ritual Narrative

Luciana Raccanello Storto (Universidade de São Paulo)

Karitiana is a Tupian language of the Arikém subfamily spoken in the state of Rondônia, Brazil. In this presentation we analyze a ritual narrative told us in 1992 by Cizino, the last Karitiana shaman: the male initiation ritual, entitled Osiip. The narrative is analyzed structurally and the use of linguistic constructions in verbal art is made explicit. Our goal is to show that Karitiana storytellers make use of various linguistic resources to create meaning in their oral narratives.

The ritual narrative was recorded in K7 tapes, transcribed with the help of consultants, translated sentence by sentence in Portuguese by consultants and freely translated by us in Portuguese and English, but remains unpublished until today. The recording session was held in a natural setting, in which the shaman told the ritual to his nuclear family, that is his two wives, their children, and some married sons with their wives and children. The goal of the recording was to teach youngsters about a Karitiana tradition that had already been lost.

The male initiation ritual, called Osiip, may be analyzed as divided in 6 parts according to its content: summary, orientation, complication, repeated complication, evaluation, and resolution. In part 1 the storyteller briefly summarizes the content of the ritual narrative, that is, when a male adolescent is about to get married, he invades a wasps’ nest with his own hand, and lets himself be attacked by them. In part 2, the storyteller prepares the scene for the narrative, giving further information about the ritual. He introduces each part of the narrative that is to come, using deontic sentences and 1st person plural to talk about the rules and obligations involved in the male initiation ritual, and simple declarative sentences to anticipate the facts of the complication and resolution. The complication sections are the parts in which the storyteller uses declarative sentences in 1st person singular with a direct evidential to tell his own experience in undergoing the initiation ritual; in the first complication part, his first ritual experience is described, and in the repetition of the complication he describes the other times he went through the ritual. The evaluation part is about the results of the initiation ceremonies; it has an educational goal, and makes sure the listener understands that the adolescent becomes a good hunter and provider for his future wife after he goes through the ritual because the Osiip magic has an effect over the game, that is attracted to the initiated hunter and becomes tame and easy to catch. The resolution is the climax of the narrative, in which Cizino’s father and uncles give him positive sanctions for having passed through the Osiip ritual.

Some of the linguistic constructions used by Cizino Karitiana in the male initiation rite are: (1) assertative sentences are used instead or declaratives to delimit content in the narrative (introducing or concluding parts and subparts); (2) topic shift is introduced though subject repetition at the end of the sentence; (3) parallelisms (sentence repetition with a difference in form or meaning) are employed to create artistic effects; (4) copular sentences are used to describe traditional habits or ritual rules, together with deontic mood and passive sentences; (5) the use of direct speech, songs (including metrics), or ideophone phrases to create approximation effects.

Semantic and Syntactic Properties of Aspect in Dâw (Nadehup Family)

Luciana Raccanello Storto (Universidade de São Paulo), Karolin Obert (Universidade de São Paulo), Clariana Assis Caldeira (Universidade de São Paulo)

The paper discusses two characteristics of aspectual morphology in Dâw, a language of the Nadehup Family spoken in São Gabriel da Cachoeira, Brazil. One is that the semantic features of directionality and aspect can be encoded simultaneously in a single aspectual head. The other is a comparison between the syntactic behavior of two aspectual heads in Dâw which select verbs of a fixed valency and other aspectual heads which do not do so. Both phenomena may be analyzed in terms of syntactic and semantic features present in the same functional head (portmanteau morphemes). Additionally, we will offer a syntactic analysis of how some complex heads are formed via head movement.

The two semantic domains of spatial and temporal relations bare similarities, since both represent the duration of a real world eventuality and make use of viewpoint. This explains why many languages with aspectual systems show, for example, an inherent aspectual interpretation in directional morphemes. On the other hand, directional morphemes seem to provide aspectual information in non-motion settings marking aspectual viewpoints (Michael, 2016). In Dâw, something similar can be observed: in multi-verb constructions encoding a motion event, the verb of the second verb slot usually is a directional motion verb denoting the direction of motion indicating at the same time information if the path of motion is bounded or unbounded, as in (1). Here the verb rãm ‘go’ is post-posed to the inherent motion verb ‘ox ‘run’ expressing both ablative reading and telicity. Yet in (2), where rãm follows a transitive verb in a non-motion setting, it seems to function as an aspectual marker indicating perfective aspect.

(1) rid [‘ox rãm] nâax dôo rid3P run go river port LOC‘They ran to the port’

(2) tir k惠nh rãm taax-�ʉy3s kill.with.arrow PVE1 tapir-DOM‘He killed the tapir’

Turning now to syntactic properties of aspectual morphology that selects verbs with afixed valency, we show in (3) that xâd (durative, that selects intransitive verbs) anddâr (punctual, that selects transitive verbs) have different inflectional properties(imperative and negative suffixes) when compared with other aspectual heads (in (4)):

(3a) Weed-or depeat-IMP meat‘Eat meat!’

(3b) Weed dâr-oreat PCT-IMP‘Eat right away!’ (Carvalho, 2016)

(3c) *weed-or dâr

(4a) Tir weed-Rr �惠థ3SG eat-NEG-PVE2‘He did not eat’

(4b) Tir weed �惠థ-Rr3SG eat PVE2-NEG‘He did not finish eating’ (Carvalho, 2016)

Storto & Carvalho (2016) have hypothesized that some aspectual heads in Dâw seemto be TAM (Tense, Aspect and Mood) auxiliaries, since they can be suffixed byinflectional morphemes such as negation and imperative. As TAM heads, they projectin a tree structure taking verb phrases as their complements.

When inflectional morphemes are suffixed to the aspectual auxiliary, we assume thatthe verb and the auxiliary may have formed a complex head via head-movement ofthe verb to the auxiliary position. When the verb is inflected instead, we assume thatno movement of the verb to aspect takes place. If this hypothesis is correct, the verbalways forms a complex unit with xâd and dâr via head movement.

It is still necessary to explain why this difference occurs. One possibility is that xâdand dâr are closer to the verb than other aspectual heads, perhaps because theirsemantics is that of lexical aspect, whereas the other aspectual heads appear as TAMauxiliaries together with tense and mood features and encode grammatical aspect.

CARVALHO, M. 2016. Aspecto Verbal na Língua Dâw. Master’s thesis. Universityof São Paulo. São Paulo.

MARTINS, S. 2004. Fonologia e Gramática Dâw. Tomo I e II. Doctoral Dissertation.University of Amsterdam. Amsterdam.

MICHAEL, L. 2016. Aspect in a theory of directionals. Syntax of the World'sLanguages VII.

STORTO, L & M. CARVALHO. 2016. TAM Auxiliaries in Dâw. Paper presented inAmazonicas VI.

Los demostrativos y el señalamiento del tiempo en maká (familia mataguaya)

Temis Tacconi (CONICET/Universidad de Buenos Aires), Cristina Messineo (CONICET/Universidad de Buenos Aires)

Es sabido que las lenguas del Chaco poseen sistemas de demostrativos que combinan deixis espacial con rasgos como visibilidad, tangibilidad, movimiento, posición, entre otros y que dichos sistemas contribuyen al señalamiento pragmático del tiempo, el modo y la evidencialidad, categorías no necesariamente codificadas en el predicado (Vidal y Klein 1998; Messineo, Klein y Carol 2016, entre otros).

El maká, junto con el wichí, el chorote y el nivaclé, pertenece a la familia lingüística mataco-mataguaya. Es la lengua hablada por alrededor de 1.500 personas que habitan en comunidades urbanas y semiurbanas próximas a Asunción, Villa Hayes, Encarnación y Ciudad del Este (Paraguay). Como sucede con otras lenguas chaqueñas, no presenta marcas morfológica de TIEMPO (T) en el verbo, rasgo que permite caracterizarla como una lengua “sin tiempo” [tenseless] (Cfr. Tonhauser 2011, Bittner 2005, Matthewson 2006). Si bien la distinción gramatical entre modo realis e irrealis permite señalar eventos constatados y no constatados (incluidas algunas instancias de futuro), la distinción básica entre presente y pasado no está marcada morfológicamente en el verbo.

El maká posee un sistema de seis demostrativos que, además de concordar en género y número con el nombre al que determinan, indican distancia relativa, tangibilidad, visibilidad y accesibilidad epistémica (visto/no visto antes) (Gerzenstein 1995). Dichos significados sirven de base para otros dominios más abstractos, como la evidencialidad y el tiempo. Por lo tanto, la interpretación temporal de la cláusula se infiere a partir de la presencia de los demostrativos en la frase nominal, además de adverbios y otras partículas de tiempo.

El presente trabajo se centra en la descripción y el análisis de los distintos matices que el sistema de demostrativos maká ofrece para el señalamiento del tiempo, así como también en el alcance de los mismos: local (sobre el nombre al que determinan), clausal (sobre toda la proposición) o discursivo (anclando el tiempo del relato y estableciendo la figura y el fondo en la narrativa).

El análisis permitiría, por un lado, aportar a la discusión sobre tiempo nominal en las lenguas chaqueñas (cfr. Vidal y Gutierrez 2010). A la vez, pretende contribuir al estudio de la multifuncionalidad de los sistemas de demostrativos chaqueños, al extender su análisis a las implicancias pragmático-discursivas de los mismos en el discurso.

Referencias:

Bittner, M. 2005. “Future discourse in a tenseless language”. Journal of Semantics 22:

339-387.

Gerzenstein, A. 1995.El maká. Estudio descriptivo. Buenos Aires: Facultad de Filosofía

y Letras, Universidad de Buenos Aires.

Matthewson, L. 2006. “Temporal Semantics in a Supposedly Tenseless Language”.

Linguistics and Philosophy 29: 673-713.

Messineo, C., H. Klein y J. Carol. 2016. Deixis y contacto en la región del Gran Chaco: los demostrativos en las lenguas guaycurúes y mataguayas. International

Journal of Sociology of Language (J. Fishman, ed.). Volumen temático:

“Indigenous Languages in Contact” (A. Luykx, ed.), 119-158. De Gruyter, New

York.

Tonhauser, J. 2011. “Temporal reference in Paraguayan Guaraní, a tenseless language”.

Linguistics and Philosophy 34: 257-303.

Vidal A. y A. Gutiérrez, 2010. “La categoría de „tiempo nominal‟ en las lenguas

chaqueñas”. En V. M. Castel y L. Cubo de Severino (eds) La renovación de la

palabra en el bicentenario de la Argentina. Los colores de la mirada lingüística.

Mendoza: Editorial FFyL, UNCuyo.

Vidal, A. y H. M. Klein. 1998. Irrealis in Toba and Pilagá? Syntactic versus Pragmatic

coding. Anthropological Linguistics 40 (2):175-197.

Hacia una subárea lingüística intermedia Andes-Amazonia en el piedemonte oriental

norperuano y sur-ecuatoriano

Pilar M. Valenzuela (Chapman University)

Cada vez más los especialistas en lenguas sudamericanas abandonan la división dicotómica entre

“lenguas andinas” y “lenguas amazónicas” o “de las tierras bajas” que predominaba hasta finales

del siglo XX. En particular, han surgido en los últimos años estudios que demuestran que las

lenguas y culturas de los pueblos que ocupan el espacio intermedio exhiben elementos comunes a

ambas zonas (Adelaar con Muysken 2004, Wise 2011, Gijn 2014, Michael et al. 2014, Valenzuela

2015 y de pronta publicación). Es más, estudios recientes plantean una división alternativa entre

las lenguas del oeste vs. las lenguas del este del subcontinente sudamericano (Krasnoukhova 2012,

van Gijn et al. 2016).

El objetivo de este trabajo es identificar rasgos gramaticales y fonológicos compartidos por lenguas

del piedemonte oriental nor-peruano y sur-ecuatoriano a fin de reforzar la propuesta de una sub-

área lingüística intermedia entre los Andes y la Amazonía de esta parte de Sudamérica (Wise 2011,

Valenzuela 2015 y de pronta publicación). Para esto se echa mano del concepto de área de

expansión de rasgos (trait-sprawl area) propuesto por Campbell (2017). Este se enfoca en los

rasgos mismos aceptando que su distribución en una determinada área geográfica suele ser

desordenada y poco uniforme. Las entidades lingüísticas consideradas son arawak pre-andino,

pano ucayalino, jíbaro, kawapana, záparo, tukano occidental, peba-yagua, kukama-kukamiria,

kandozi, urarina, muniche, cholón, waorani, cofán y quechua. Se mostrará que existe una

influencia significativa de las lenguas centro-andinas, especialmente quechua, en los demás

idiomas. Luego, se identifica un rasgo ausente en quechua pero compartido por algunas otras

lenguas de la zona.

Referencias bibliográficas

ADELAAR: Willem F. R. con la colaboración de Pieter MUYSKEN. 2004. The Languages of

the Andes. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

CAMPBELL, Lyle. 2017. Why is it so hard to define a linguistic area? In Raymond Hickey (ed.)

The Cambridge Handbook of Areal Linguistics. 19–38. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

van GIJN, Rik. 2014. The Andean foothills and adjacent Amazonian fringe. En L. O’Connor y P.

Muysken (eds), The Native Languages of South America: Origins, Development, Typology, pp.

102-125. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

van GIJN, Rik, Harald HAMMARSTRÖM, Simon VAN DE KERKE, Olga

KRASNOUKHOVA y Pieter MUYSKEN. 2016. Linguistic Areas, Linguistic Convergence and

River Systems in South America. En Raymond Hickey (ed.), The Cambridge Handbook of Areal

Linguistics, pp. 964-996. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

KRASNOUKHOV, Olga, 2012. The Noun Phrase in the Languages of South America. Doctoral

dissertation, Radboud University, Nijmegen.

MICHAEL, Lev, Will CHANG y Tammy STARK. 2014. Exploring phonological areality in the

circum-Andean region using a Naive Bayes Classifier. Language Dynamics and Change 4 (1):

27-86.

VALENZUELA, Pilar. 2015. ¿Qué tan “amazónicas” son las lenguas kawapana? Rasgos centro-

andinos y evidencia para una posible sub-área lingüística. Lexis 39, 1: 5-56.

VALENZUELA, Pilar. de pronta aparición. Difusión de rasgos andinos y elementos para una

sub-área lingüística intermedia Andes-Amazonía en el norte del Perú. Conferencia plenaria,

Actas del IV Encuentro de Lenguas Indígenas Americanas. Santa Rosa, Argentina: Universidad

Nacional de La Pampa.

WISE, Mary Ruth. 2011. Rastros desconcertantes de contactos entre idiomas y culturas a lo largo

de los contrafuertes orientales de los Andes del Perú. En Pilar Valenzuela B., Roberto Zariquiey

B. y Willem F. H. Adelaar (eds), Estudios sobre lenguas andinas y amazónicas: Homenaje a

Rodolfo Cerrón-Palomino, pp. 305-306. Lima: Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú.

Word-level prosody in Kukama-Kukamiria:

The interplay of stress and vowel reduction

Rosa Vallejos (University of New Mexico), Chris Koops (University of New Mexico)

In this talk we provide a phonetically grounded, usage-based account of word-level prosody in Kukama-Kukamiria (KK), a language of the Peruvian Amazon. We first examine KK lexical stress and show that in addition to a primary stress on the penultimate syllable (First author, 2016), KK shows a co-existing pattern of secondary stress assignment that lends prominence to the left-most syllable of phonological words. We then turn to unstressed vowels and argue that KK’s pervasive pattern of unstressed vowel reduction and deletion can be insightfully related to its complex stress system. Rather than being conditioned by the segmental context, vowel reduction and deletion happen across-the-board, targeting any vowel that carries neither primary nor secondary stress.

KK is a highly endangered language spoken primarily in the region of Loreto in northwestern Peru. It is today spoken only by elders who are bilingual in Spanish and Kukama. Here we analyze spontaneous speech (narratives, instructional discourse, interview speech) from six speakers (3F, 3M) born and raised in rural communities. Between 5 and 15 minutes of speech from each speaker were fully segmented and exhaustively analyzed (average number of words per speaker: 512).

Our analysis departs from the observation that, in natural discourse, longer phonological words can be reduced to two syllables, e.g. [kamutúni] > [kandún] ‘tomorrow’ (where place and voicing assimilation are predictable ancillary effects; all intermediate forms of reduction are also found). Note that the surviving vowels are (i) the vowel of the penultimate syllable, which is the site of primary stress, and (ii) the vowel in the initial syllable. This raises the question: Why does the initial vowel survive deletion?

To address this question, we first present a phonetic analysis of word-initial syllables that do not bear primary stress, e.g. [ka] in [kamutúni] (1296 tokens), comparing them to stressed and non-initial pre-tonic vowels. We find that vowels in such syllables are often audibly lengthened, a phenomenon that has not previously been documented in detail. In fact, there is a highly significant duration difference relative to non-initial unstressed vowels (initials are 34.5% longer, on average); there is no significant duration difference relative to primary stressed vowels, thus eliminating duration as a cue to primary stress in KK. We analyze the prominence on the initial syllable as a form of secondary stress, given that it is restricted to vowel duration, while pitch remains low and only rises for the syllable carrying primary stress. We propose that this secondary stress makes the vowel in initial syllables immune to reduction and deletion.

Next, we turn to the conditions for the deletion of fully unstressed vowels. At the time of writing, our quantitative analysis is restricted to word-final vowels (2368 tokens), whose overall deletion rate is particularly high (36.2%). We find that, unexpectedly, the preceding segmental context of these vowels has no significant influence on their likelihood of deletion. Counter to cross-linguistic tendencies, vowels are no more likely to delete adjacent to voiceless obstruents, including sibilants. Deletion is as likely after sonorants ([ɨmɨn(a)] ‘long time ago’, [kakɨr(ɨ)] ‘to liveʼ) or phonetically voiced stops ([eyunb(u)] ‘with food’).

In conclusion, we argue that the two phenomena, stress and vowel reduction/deletion are related. The loci of reduction/deletion can be predicted best from the location of primary and secondary stress. Essentially, all syllables that receive no stress are subject to reduction and deletion. Thus, the KK pattern of unstressed vowel reduction is governed by the vowels’ position in the prosodic structure of the word.

Enlhet-Enenlhet Nominal Temporal Reference in an Areal Perspective

Jens E. L. Van Gysel (University of New Mexico)

The South American Chaco, stretching from the south of Brazil over the east of Bolivia and the west of Paraguay into the north of Argentina, has often been described as a culture area (e.g. Miller 1999), and sometimes as a linguistic area (e.g. Aikhenvald 2011). Nevertheless, Campbell (2018: 32) finds that many features argued to be diagnostic of the Chaco as a linguistic area are also found outside it. This begs the question of whether the feature of nominal tense, argued to be present in five different language families spoken in the Chaco, but also widely present in the indigenous languages of South America in general (Campbell 2012: 285), can be used as a diagnostic for a Chaco linguistic area.

Within the Chaco region, Matacoan, Guakuruan, Tupí-Guaranían, Zamucoan, and Enlhet-Enenlhet languages have all been argued to show, in some form or other, temporal or aspectual reference as a part of the noun phrase. For Matacoan, for example (see Campbell 2012: 287), Nivaclé has been shown to use demonstratives for temporal reference (example 1), and Wichí makes use of clitics attached to nominals and demonstratives (example 2). For Guaykuruan, Vidal & Gutiérrez (2010) argue that Pilagá demonstratives can also be used for temporal deixis (example 3). Paraguayan Guaraní (Tupí-Guaranían, Nordlinger & Sadler 2004), then, has suffixes expressing temporal relations on the noun (example 4), and Ayoreo (Zamucoan, Bertinetto 2014: 168), even though nominal tense is absent, seems to show a nominal habitual suffix (example 5). For the Enlhet-Enenlhet language Enlhet Norte (Kalisch 2009), lastly, a number of particles have been shown to temporally locate nouns as well as verbs (example 6).

The contribution of the present paper will be twofold: on the one hand, descriptive empirical data will be presented on the Sanapaná language (Enlhet-Enenlhet). In this language as well, particles combining with nominal elements can achieve temporal reference, showing that nominal temporal reference is a fairly pervasive feature in the Enlhet-Enenlhet language family.

On the other hand, I will investigate whether the feature of nominal tense supports the proposal of a Chaco linguistic area. This will be done, firstly, by examining the form and function of the referenced nominal tense constructions in order to assess whether they are similar enough to have originated through diffusion. Secondly, Kadiwéu and a number of lowland Amazonian Tupí-Guaranían languages – all spoken outside the Chaco but belonging to the aforementioned Chacoan language families – will be examined, looking for similar nominal tense constructions. If the constructions found within the Chaco strongly resemble each other and strongly differ from those found outside the Chaco, nominal tense will be taken as a supporting feature for the Chaco as a linguistic area. If they do not, it will be hypothesised that the widespread presence of nominal temporal constructions in languages of the Chaco is a consequence of the general high frequency of occurrence of this feature in languages of South America.

References Aikhenvald, Alexandra Y. (2011). The wonders of the Gran Chaco: Setting the scene. Indiana

28: 171-81.

Bertinetto, Pier Marco (2014). Tenselessness in South American indigenous languages with

focus on Ayoreo (Zamuco). LIAMES 14: 149-71.

Campbell, Lyle (2012). Typological characteristics of South American indigenous languages.

In Lyle Campbell and Verónica Grondona (Eds): The Indigenous Languages of South

America: A Comprehensive Guide, 259-330.

Campbell, Lyle (2018). Why is it so hard to define a linguistic area? Manuscript.

Kalisch, Hannes (2009). Los constituyentes de la cláusula enlhet (enlhet-enenlhet). Esbozo de

una cláusula omnipredicativa. Amerindia 33/34: 109-50.

Nordlinger, Rachel and Louisa Sadler (2004a). Nominal tense in crosslinguistic perspective.

Language 80.4: 776-806.

Miller, Elmer S. (1999). Peoples of the Gran Chaco. Westport: Bergin & Garvey.

Vidal, Alejandra and Analía Gutiérrez (2010). La categoría de ‘tiempo nominal’ en las lenguas

chaqueñas. In Victor M. Castel and Liliana Cubo de Severino (Eds.): La Renovación de

la Palabra en el Bicentenario de la Argentina, 1347-55.

Examples

1. yoy xa siwɑnɑkescape DEM.VISIBLE.EXPERIENCED dorado.fish ‘The dorado escaped’ (Campbell 2012: 286)

2. sinox-mati atana Ø-yiɬ-ɬidog-PAST now 3-die-ITERATIVE.SINGULAR‘the dog (from earlier today) is sick now.’ (Campbell 2012: 287)

3. am-s-kode-lege so’ noʕop 2.O-1.A-pour-LOCATIVE DEICTIC.OUT:OF:SIGHT water‘I poured water (?*am pouring water) on you.’ (Vidal & Gutiérrez 2010: 1352-3)

4. o-va-ta che-róga-kue-pe3-move-FUTURE 1.SINGULAR-house-PAST-in‘He will move into my former house.’ (Nordlinger & Sadler 2004: 781)

5. oide vs. oide-be ‘what is carried or used’ ‘what is habitually carried or used’ (Bertinetto 2014: 168)

6. e-l-pejwe:s-a-mk-eʔ aɬta enɬet majkaʔa aɬta kwesejʔ 1SG.O-DISTR-greet-FACT-CPL-PRIM PHOD man/enlhet visitor PHOD because ‘The people greeted me, because I was a visitor.’ (Kalisch 2009: 123)

O objetivo geral desta apresentação é descrever e comparar o aspecto dos evidenciais nas lín-

guas Wa’ikhana e Tuyuka, duas línguas da família Tukano Oriental (TO) faladas no noroeste ama-

zônico brasileiro, áreas transfronteiriças. Essa descrição é feita sob uma perspectiva tipológico-

funcional e culmina em três objetivos específicos: (i) refletir sobre as diferentes definições de as-

pecto e tempo nos evidenciais das línguas TO; (ii) delinear a diferença do aspecto da cláusula e do

aspecto do evidencial nessas duas línguas específicas; e (iii) contribuir para a compreensão geral da

noção sintática de aspecto através das especificidades dessas duas línguas minoritárias.

Em muitas descrições de línguas TO, usa-se o termo tempo para definir certas características

dos evidenciais (Stenzel, 2008:412). No entanto, esse sentido de tempo não se enquadra na defini-

ção tradicional do termo, como presente, passado ou futuro em relação a um momento de fala (Gi-

vón, 2001:285-6). Tempo nessas descrições esta relacionado aos diferentes tipos de evidenciais nas

línguas. Para Barnes (1984), o tempo nas categorias de evidenciais INFERÊNCIA e PRESUMIDO do

Tuyuka se refere a “quando o evento ocorreu” e nas categorias visual, não-visual e reportado, a

“quando o falante obteve a informação”. Já Gomez-Imbert (1999), Gomez-Imbert & Hugh-Jones

(2000), Stenzel (2008, 2013) e Vlcek (2016), entre outros, descrevem essa característica dos evi-

denciais nas línguas TO como aspecto e não tempo. Propõem que formas imperfectivas indicam que

o falante ainda tem acesso cognitivo/sensorial à fonte de informação na qual aquela declaração se

baseia; e as formas perfectivas indicam que o falante não tem mais acesso a essa fonte. De acordo

com esses autores, a escolha de aspecto é mais apropriada, pois tempo, se usado nesses casos, preci-

sa ser bem definido para não se confundir com a definição tradicional supracitada. Ademais, essa

definição de tempo não é a mesma para todos os tipos de evidenciais em uma língua. Em nossa aná-

lise, seguiremos as vantagens de uma abordagem que analise estas noções associadas ao evidencial,

como aspecto ao invés de tempo. Tomando como exemplo o Wa’ikhana, os dados (1) e (2) mostram

a diferença entre o evidencial visual perfectivo e o imperfectivo. Em (1) o falante tem acesso senso-

rial visual à fonte de informação da declaração, pois está participando da ação/estado; já em (2) o

falante não tem mais acesso visual à evidência daquela afirmação. Não é, portanto, que a noção de

tempo da sentença não esteja na cláusula, mas ela é um sentido presumido. O aspecto (perfectivo /

imperfectivo), por sua, vez é a noção gramatical informada em alguns morfemas de evidencialida-

de.

Lembramos da hipótese de que em línguas parentes (como o Kotiria, em Stenzel 2013:244-

312), morfemas sufixais podem se unir ao verbo finito em ‘slots’, sendo um deles reservado para

morfemas de modo e aspecto; e outro, de posição final, indicando modalidade da cláusula. Porém,

alguns morfemas de modalidade da cláusula, como os evidenciais visuais e não-visuais do Tuyuka,

por exemplo, possuem uma noção aspectual, e esta não está relacionada ao evento, e sim à eviden-

cialidade (exemplos 3,4). Surge daí a importância de refletir sobre a diferença entre aspecto da cláu-

sula e o aspecto do evidencial. Sobre o morfema que marcaria este aspecto da cláusula, em Tuyuka,

encontramos o sufixo –a, que, quando explicado pelos consultores, se refere a uma ação com aspec-

to ‘perfeito’ ou mais intensa (“fez mesmo”, “acabou de fazer já”). Barnes e Malone (2000:441-442)

apontam que este morfema traria uma noção de tempo, sendo usado para indicar passado recente

quando colocado antecedendo sufixos evidenciais (5). Este sufixo merece uma investigação mais

profunda, visto que parece indicar o aspecto do evento em si já que ocupa o slot de aspecto e modo

na língua (ao lado dos sufixos de modalidade) e também uma relação dêitica entre o momento do

evento e o da elocução, sendo analisado em Vlcek (2016) como uma marca dêitica de um evento

que aconteceu perto do espaço-base (6).

Os dados do Tuyuka utilizados são de duas naturezas: (i) dados da bibliografia já existente sobre

a língua (Barnes 1984, 2012; Malone 1988; Barnes & Malone 2000) e (ii) dados colhidos em cinco

viagens de campo alternadas entre a cidade de São Gabriel da Cachoeira e a comunidade de São

Pedro, contando com os colaboradores: IPHAN, ELF, FEL, ISA, ELDP, Museu do Índio e RolexA-wards. Os dados do Wa’ikhana provêm do ACERVO LINGUÍSTICO-CULTURAL DO POVO

WA’IKHANA, disponíveis no ELAR (SOAS) e no PRODOCLIN (Museu do Índio).

Aspecto vs. tempo em evidenciais de duas línguas da família Tukano Oriental pouco descritas: Wa'ikhana e Tuyuka

Nathalie Vlcek (Universidade Federal do Rio de Janeiro), Bruna Cezario (Universidade Federal do Rio de Janeiro)

Exemplos e referências bibliográficas:

(1) WA'I saa thiato nii thu'o duhi no'onesaa ihi-ato nii-tʉ'o-duhi-~do'o-de então COP-NMLZ.EVNT dizer-escutar-sentar-fazer.juntos-VIS.IPFV.2/3

‘É verdade o que estamos aqui escutando/dizendo.’

(2) WA'I yʉ’ʉ pakʉ yukʉsa yeemasini yʉ’ʉgʉ’ʉreyʉ’ʉ pakʉ yukʉ-sa yee-~basi-di yʉ’ʉ-gʉ’ʉ-re1SG pai árvore-CLS:oco fazer-saber-VIS.PFV.2/3 1SG-ADD-OBJ

'Meu pai sabe fazer canoa pra mim também.'

(3) TUY yʉ bayio ki oseyojɨ=bajio ki ose-jo 1SG=irmã.menor mandioca ralar-VIS.3SGF.IPFV

‘Minha irmã menor está ralando mandioca’

(4) TUY Yʉ wa kʉoajɨ" wa kɨo-a 1SG cuia ter.na.mão-VIS.1/2.PFV

‘Eu tenho cuia’

(5) TUY a. suti wapatyigʉ1

suˈti wapaˈti-jigɨ roupa comprar-EV

2

‘ele comprou roupa’ (comprou em outro local ou a comprou há muito tempo)

(Barnes e Malone 2000ː442)

b. suti wapaˈti-a-yigʉsuˈti wapaˈti-a-jigɨroupa comprar-PST.REC-EV

‘ele comprou roupa’ (comprou tem pouco tempo e neste local)

(Barnes e Malone 2000ː442)

(6) TUY Yʉ mekõ poka ʉteawõjɨ=~beko poka ~ɨte-a-wo 1SG=tia farinha torrar-EB

3-VIS.3SGF.PFV

‘Minha titia torrou farinha’

BARNES, Janet & MALONE, Terrel 2000. El Tuyuca. In GONZÁLEZ DE PÉREZ, M. S. e RODRÍGUEZ DE MON-

TES, M. L. (ed.) Lenguas Indígenas de Colombia, una visión descriptiva. Santafé de Bogota: Instituto Caro y Cuervo.

pp. 437-450.

BARNES, Janet 2012. (comp.) Diccionario bilingüe: tuyuca-español, español-tuyuca. Bogotá, D. C.: Fundación para el

Desarrollo de los Pueblos Marginados.

GIVÓN, T. Syntax. An Introduction. Vol. 1. Amsterdam: John Benjamins, 2001.

Gomez-Imbert, Elsa. 1999. Les catégories de base de la conjugaison dans deux langues Tukano

orientales. Ms.

GOMEZ-IMBERT, Elsa, & Stephen Hugh-Jones. 2000. Introducción al estudio de las lenguas del Piraparaná (Vau-

pés). Lenguas Indígenas de Colombia, una visión descriptiva, Maria Stella González de Pérez & Maria Luisa Rodríguez

de Montes (eds.), 321–356. Santafé de Bogotá: Instituto Caro y Cuervo.

MALONE, T. 1988. The Origin and Development of Tuyuca Evidentials. International Journal of American Linguis-tics 54, pp. 119-140.

STENZEL, Kristine 2008. Evidentials and Clause Modality in Wanano. Studies in Language 32(2), pp. 404–44.

STENZEL, Kristine 2013. A Reference Grammar of Kotiria (Wanano). Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press.

VLCEK, Nathalie 2016. Documentação Linguística do Tuyuka. Tese (Doutorado em Linguística) – Faculdade de Le-

tras, Universidade Federal do Rio de Janeiro, Rio de Janeiro.

1 Mantida anotação original

2 PST (passado), REC (recente), EV (evidencial) – Glosas utilizadas pelos autores

3 Glosa para “espaço-base” (Vlcek, 2016)

Tono y acento en Kakataibo

Roberto Zariquiey (Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú), Lev Michael (University of California, Berkeley)

Kakataibo es una lengua pano hablada en el Perú por unas 3,000 personas (aunque

la cifra oficial es de 1879). Kakataibo presenta un complejo sistema prosódico a nivel

de la palabra que ha sido catalogado de mixto en Zariquiey (2011). Básicamente, los

picos tonales encontrados en las palabras kakataibo tienen dos fuentes diferentes: la

mayoría de ellos son el resultado de los patrones de prominencia métrica que presenta la

lengua y, por lo tanto, pueden ser analizados como acento. Hay, sin embargo,

algunos picos tonales que se asocian con los tonos altos léxicos que manifiestan

algunos morfemas ligados. Estos tonos altos son independientes de los patrones

métricos de la lengua y no pueden ser predecidos bajo ninguna circunstancia a partir

de ellos. En ese sentido, es apropiado analizarlos como la manifestación de un rasgo

de tono (todavía restringido) en la lengua. Una misma palabra puede presentar a la

vez picos tonales asociados al acento y picos tonales asociados al fenómeno de

tono, creando interesantes efectos prosódicos.

En esta charla, ofrecemos una discusión de los rasgos de acento y tono en Kakataibo.

Sobre el primero, luego de ilustrar las generalidades del sistema (formación de pies

trocaicos por defecto y sensibilidad al peso silábico solo en posiciones pares), el énfasis

se pondrá en las formas nominales, las mismas que presentan interesantes reglas para

determinar el número de dominios prosódicos que requieren un pico tonal identificable

como acento. Mientras que las raíces llevan siempre un acento, los morfemas ligados

que se le añadan a estas crearán un dominio prosódico independiente si suman en total

tres o más sílabas. Es decir, estamos ante una sola palabra en términos gramaticales que

se compone de dos dominios fonológicos independientes en términos de asignación de

acento (una palabra gramatical - dos palabras fonológicas). Es interesante constatar que

algo similar se da al nivel de la frase nominal cuando se combinan dos palabras: si la

que está a la derecha tiene tres o más sílabas llevará un acento; si este no es el caso, el

único acento en toda la frase será el de la palabra hacia la izquierda. Entonces, en estos

casos encontramos dos palabras gramaticales que componen una sola unidad prosodica

(dos palabras gramaticales - una palabra fonológica). Este fenómeno no ha sido

documentado para ninguna otra lengua pano hasta la fecha.

Con relación al tono en Kakataibo, esta charla presentará la lista de morfemas para los

que se puede postular un tono alto léxico y estudiará su presencia en palabras de

distintas clases. Se hará evidente que la lista está compuesta exclusivamente de

morfemas que aparecen al final de la palabra y se discutirá algunas interacciones entre

acento y tono en palabras de distintas clases. Finalmente, se analizará algunos casos de

palabras monosilábicas con tonos ascendentes y descendentes en Kakataibo,

demostrando que no se trata de tonos propiamente dichos, sino de patrones que pueden

explicarse a partir del acento.

Referencias

Zariquiey, Roberto. 2011. A grammar of Kashibo-Kakataibo. PhD dissertation, La

Trobe University. Melbourne, Australia.

Préstamos shipibo-konibo en los cantos tradicionales kakataibo: léxico,

morfosintaxis y estrategias de composición

Roberto Zariquiey (Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú), Alejandro Prieto (Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú)

Tal como lo señala Frank (1995: 227), las canciones tradicionales pueden considerarse

“una de las llaves principales para el entendimiento de la vida y cultura kakataibo”.

Tradicionalmente, los kakataibo han usado el arte verbal manifiesto en sus diversos

géneros de canciones para varios fines sociales, tales como recordar a sus muertos,

narrar episodios autobiográficos, denunciar una ofensa, prepararse para la guerra, ir de

caza y arrullar a sus bebés (Winstrand 1975, 1976; Prieto 2015). Aunque la vitalidad de

estos cantos se ha debilitado enormemente en los últimos años, las canciones

tradicionales tienen una alta valoración social entre los kakataibo, quienes en general

manifiestan un fuerte deseo de revitalizar esta práctica.

La presente ponencia muestra evidencia léxica y morfosintáctica que sugiere que

algunos géneros de canciones tradicionales del pueblo kakataibo tienen una

clara impronta shipibo-konibo (en el léxico, la forma de los pronombres y algunos

morfemas funcionales). Estos rasgos propiamente lingüísticos se complementan

con algunas estrategias de composición (algunas de ellas muy extendidas en el

contexto amazónico; ver Beier, Michael y Sherzer 2002). Estas estrategias

(paralelismo semántico, líneas quebradas y patrones melódicos) acercan algunos

géneros musicales kakataibo a ciertas tradiciones musicales shipibo-konibo.

La presencia de esta impronta shipibo-konibo nos invita a proponer un escenario

hipotético en el que, en realidad, los kakataibo habrían desarrollado algunas de

sus prácticas musicales gracias al estrecho contacto que mantuvieron con el pueblo

shipibo-konibo (–de acuerdo a las fuentes– ambos pueblos convivieron por cerca de

40 años; Winstrand 1998, Zariquiey 2011: cap. 1). Más aún, en línea con la

noción de área discursiva propuesta por Beier, Michael y Sherzer (2002), la

extendida presencia de rasgos shipibo-konibo en las canciones kakataibo nos ayuda

a modelar un contexto social concreto para el contacto entre ambas lenguas y

contribuye a la comprensión más clara del rol de difusor cultural que parece haber

tenido el pueblo shipibo-konibo en la región del Ucayali y sus afluentes.

Referencias

Beier, Michael y Sherzer. 2002. Discourse forms and processes in indigenous lowland

South America: an areal-typological perspective. Annual Review of Anthropology31:121-145.

Frank, Erwin. 1994. Los Uni. En Guía Etnográfica de la Alta Amazonía, (Eds.)

Fernando Santos Granero y Frederica Barclay. Volumen II, pp. 129-137.

Prieto, Alejandro. 2015. Métrica de los cantos tradicionales kakataibo. Tesis para

optar el grado académico de Licenciado, PUCP.

Winstrand-Robinson, Lila. 1975. Cashibo Song Poetry. Anuario Interamericano de Investigación Musical, Vol. 11 (1975): 137-151.

Winstrand-Robinson, Lila. 1976. La poesía de las canciones Cashibos. Datos etno-

lingüísticos: Colección de los archivos del ILV 45. Lima, Perú: Instituto Lingüístico de

Verano. < http://www-01.sil.org/americas/peru/pubs/del45.pdf>

Winstrand-Robinson, Lila. 1998. Cashibo Folklore and Culture: Prose, Poetry and

Historical Background. Publications in Ethnography 34. Dallas: Summer Institute of

Linguistics. xviii, 177 pages.

Zariquiey, Roberto. 2011. A gramar of Kashibo-Kakataibo. Ph. D. thesis, La Trobe

University

Ana ARREGUI

Clariana ASSIS CALDEIRA

Bernat BARDAGIL-MAS

Victoria BEIRAS DEL CARRIL

Denis BERTET

Joshua BIRCHALL

Josefina BITTAR

Johnatan E. BONILLA

Martine BRUIL

Natalia CÁCERES ARANDIA

Flávia de CASTRO ALVES

Bruna CEZARIO

Cláudio André COUTO

Aline da CRUZ

Paola CÚNEO

Christiane CUNHA DE OLIVEIRA

Ellis DAVENPORT

Esteban DÍAZ MONTENEGRO

Juan Alvaro ECHEVERRI

Patience EPPS

Natalia ERASO KELLER

Stephanie FARMER

Thomas Daniel FINBOW

Bruna FRANCHETTO

Ana Vilacy GALUCIO

Uirá GARCIA

Spike GILDEA

Geny GONZALES CASTAÑO

Karolina GRZECH

Chris KOOPS

Magdalena LEMUS SERRANO

Pedro LOLLI

Marina MAGALHÃES

Cristina MESSINEO

Lev MICHAEL

Connor MILLER

Denny MOORE

Dioney MOREIRA GOMES

Kelsey C. NEELY

Andrey NIKULIN

Caroline NORFLEET

Janis NUCKOLLS

Sanderson Castro Soares de OLIVEIRA

Zachary O'HAGAN

Luis OQUENDO

Ian PACKER

Jaime PEÑA

Marisa PEREDO

Walkiria Neiva PRAÇA

Karolin OBERT

Danilo PAIVA RAMOS

Jaime PEÑA

Sabine REITER

María Luisa RIVERO

María del ROSARIO HADDAD

Andrés M. SABOGAL

Andrés Pablo SALANOVA

Raiane SALLES

Anne SCHWARZ

Carolyn SIEGMAN

Giancarlo SIERRA

Gema SILVA

Adam Roth SINGERMAN

Antônia Fernanda de SOUZA

NOGUEIRA

Kristine STENZEL

Jesse STEWART

Luciana Raccanello STORTO

Tod SWANSON

Temis TACCONI

Rosa VALLEJOS

Pilar VALENZUELA BISMARCK

Jens E. L. VAN GYSEL

Hein VAN DER VOORT

Nathalie VLCEK

Nicholas WILLIAMS

Roberto ZARIQUIEY

Alejandro PRIETO

AUTORAS Y AUTORES

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