Agitación, nº 09, invierno 2010 [english]

8/3/2019 Agitacin, n 09, invierno 2010 [english]

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The struggle continues!

After the General Strike on September twenty-nine,

the struggle goes on. Neither the permanent media

misinformation, nor the structural violence against

unemployed people, the precarious contracts, thepowerful employers with the ability to fire their

employees, that striking may mean the spell to

them.

Now is the moment to keep on mobilizing, to

continue incorporating to the struggle the thousands

of progressive workers unpleased with neoliberal

PSOE policy. The Union demonstrations summoned

in December, but if the government refuses to

modify its position against the working class and

does not retire its Labour Reform, the pressure must

increase, even with the call to another general strike.

Far from moving an inch its policies, Zapatero

changed some ministers to improve the appearance

and social opinion of his government as an act of

populism and marketing. However, he ignored the

general complaint that was demanding the

modification of its governments submissive attitude

towards financial organizations. Now, instead of

promoting social measures, he attempts to impose a

pension reform that will increase the retirement age.

We know we have nothing to lose and everything togain, as we have proved on September twenty-nine,

and as some European peoples have shown such as

France, Greece, United Kingdom, and Portugal,

which have stated Enough! to this neoliberal

attack that has in the bourgeois institutions and

puppet governments an exceptional ally. They want

the working class to pay for the crisis that was

caused by capitalism, but they did not expect that

this time, the answer would heighten in intensity as

more aggressive reforms are being implanted.

All around the world, we find a common feature of

capitalism: the defence of their own interests over

the peoples and the citizens. An obvious example of

this imperialist policy is the Western Sahara,

occupied 35 years ago by the Moroccan monarchical

regime. Spain is ignoring its historical responsibility

with the Saharan people in order to keep its geo-

strategic interests in the region, since a great

quantity of fishing boats which plunder Saharawi

waters have a Spanish flag. Furthermore, Morocco

has become an essential economic and military ally

to Spain, where the friendship between the Moroccomonarchy and the Spanish Royal House plays a

major role in the good diplomatic relations between

both kingdoms.

However, as we will prove during the next World

Festival of Youth and Students, located in South

Africa, we are millions of young all around the world

who involved ourselves to the struggle against the

imperialism and the capitalism, to achieve a peaceful

world, solidarity and social transformation, since

future belongs to us!

It will not be easy, but when you are willing to face

the struggle, the fight became a way to improve

when you are really willing to do it. Since and

quoting Marcelino Camacho, the man who now lives

only in our hearts: They didn't get us under control,

they didn't humble us and they won't domesticate

us.

What is the Basque Country? A national class proposal to

the Basque conflict.

The national question has been one of the most

contentious issues on which it has because Marxist

thought, as it reflects the coexistence of different

positions after the famous London International

Congress of 1896 in which, however, adopted a

resolution recognizing the right of peoples to self-

determination.

Thus, we can speak the Basque Country as an

illustrative example of these theoretical difficulties,

completely opposing positions within organizations

and militant Marxists, and where careful analysis isrequired to bring to light what must be, in our view,

the policy of Communists in a case with so many

nuances and different perspectives.

First, we consider indispensable outline those theses

that suggest that all issues concerning nations and

homelands are alien to Marxist philosophy by

referring to purely idealistic conceptions. These

positions, which are argued in the bourgeois character

of theorizing about issues that only seek to protect

their class interests, bring the effect of abstention in

the debates that do not directly and immediatelyaffect the working class. Our policy would thus lack

of policy, what at first seems a more "workers" and


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"pure" but that only leads to isolation, leaving the

field open to the bourgeoisie.

However, accepting that these positions are wrong

does not mean uncritically assume theories outside

the communist movement, or that we disagree with

the existing national differences in the BasqueCountry have a specific class nature. Means

exclusively, we can not act as if there was a problem

that large sections of the people feel is their own.

Thus, it seemed inevitable to develop a proper

position class that was able to get working class

ideological guardianship over them carry the big and

small Spanish and Basque bourgeoisie. Yet, we find

that the greatest difficulty was that necessarily have

to place ourselves in a central space between two

extremes that fight each other.

On the one hand, we can not share the Spanish

nationalism. Characterized by its aggressiveness, its

undemocratic nature and its denial by principles of

plurality, the Spaniard is forged around unreal

construction of a series of cultural elements that are

trying to get over on others, with the sole aim of

achieving a national expression priority and, in its

most radical, unique and seamless.

On the other hand, we can not be with those who

have made the term "Spanish" in the gravest insult a

clear expression of an ethnocentric view that since

our class position can only fight. Nor can one denythat the Spanish state historical nationalities coexist

with cultural expression, nor can you claim that

cohabitation did not create a sociological reality

plural. Negligible in non-independence Basque nests

idea, instinctively if you will, that they embody the

will of the Basque nation to be its staunchest

defenders, hence showing totally opposed to any

output that does not involve the acceptance of their

postulates.

And between these two extremes, both manifestations

of chauvinism unacceptable, our position has to be

non-attachment to any position that directly or

indirectly, to push the confrontation between feelings

of belonging or identity. The working class must be

united around a proposed national integration, who

escapes from an internal division that only benefit the

bourgeoisie Basque and Spanish, and also has

alliances as the core of the conflict between capital-

labor.

For this reason, it appears as unavoidable Lenin's

slogan of self-determination as a solution to the

Basque conflict. However, this concept has to be

defined, since if applied to situations of foreign

occupation means in practice independence, the

Spanish state policy in the Basque Country has been

an attempt at cultural homogenization that hassought, more or less aggressive suppress Basque

cultural expressions. This dynamic, though it has

been an attack on the Basques, is not comparable to a

colonial-type relationship, but rather to the pursuit of

a nation-state consolidation of imperial inspiration,

later (especially during the Franco regime) is became

chauvinistic nationalism.

Therefore, it can be deduced by analyzing the social

and electoral balance of forces (ranging always in a

grey scale where we can find 'Abertzales', moderate

nationalists and federalists, etc.) Is almost a 50-50%.

We understand, therefore, that the right of self-

determination is sustained on the basis of a deep

understanding encompassing transverse majority and

enable the construction of the Basque nation. It is,

after all, that the country's national status is a

reflection of the will of its habitants. Neither

nationalist nor Spanish can build this without regard

to others, and the riprap identity would only lead to

the imposition of a half on the other.

In this context, our proposal is not new: The Federal

Republic and solidarity as a way to Socialism as the

best way to translate into reality all theserequirements. But it is more necessary than ever the

democratic opening of a framework for peace that

will allow the Basque people, without blackmail, to

free choice about their future. Neither ETA nor the

Spanish state apparatus can protect the process.

It is essential that this debate is not a farce can not be

imposed nor vetoes a priori conditions, and is a

priority to put an end to violence of any kind. ETA

has to lay down arms. The state should end the

politically motivated arrests, the bans on political

parties and newspapers, the dispersal of prisoners.

Political parties of any sign should stop using ETA as

a political weapon.

It opens a new opportunity for peace in the Basque

country where the people and the working class must

play a fundamental role, escaping from a middle class

that has found a mother lode of votes at the expense

of a conflict that seems to not want to end never.


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And now: the retirement pension battle.

European governments and the banks profit

expectative try to attack the public pension system.

Many alarmist voices question the viability of the

system, and almost all the proposals on the issue areregressive for the workers rights and tend to promote

private pensions, as a first step for its privatization.

The unsustainability of the nowadays system is

claimed, due to the growing pattern of the population

and the increasing number of beneficiaries. However,

the effect that the growing productivity is having on

the GDP is being hidden, and it would let increase the

resources for pensioners, although the percentage of

the GDP devoted to the pensions was bigger. On the

other hand, if the life expectancy has increased in 4

years from 1980, it doesnt mean that the population

in general lives 4 years more, but it is the reflex of thereduction of the infant mortality.

Zapateros government started the debate about

postponing the retirement age to 67 years old. PSOE

doesnt understand the differences in health level and

longevity among the social classes, for instance in

Spain there is a divergence of 10 years of life

expectancy between poor and rich people. This

proposal aims to invest two more years of work of the

unqualified workers to pay the pension to the

executives during 10 years more. In addition, they

claim that public expenditure in pensions is

excessive, but it is 9% GDP, very low compared to

the average 13% of EU-15 or the 15% of Italy.

The bank has even proposed to link the pensions

amount to the contribution during the whole working

life, instead of the 15 last years. Among the reasons

to support this increase in the years of contribution to

obtain the pension, it is mentioned that the workers

lose their jobs and their conditions worsen in their

last working years. On the other hand, self-employed

workers increase their last year contributions aiming

to improve their pension. This is an illustrative

example of hypocrisy of this delay trial, more over

since work is not a guaranteed right for the whole

population.

What it is not said is that workers with lower

contributions in their last 15 years of working life are

an exception. In the next table you can note that the

salary levels tend to increase with the age of the

works, except in the period from 60 to 64 years old

(understandable since civil servants can retire at 60

years old, and pre-retirement

are usual in all the sectors). In Spain, the retirement

average age is 63 years old. In general, most of the

salary earners will receive higher pensions with the

current calculation system.

Table 1. Average earnings per year for age groups en Both sexes Male Female

TOTAL 21.883,42 24.203,33 18.910,62

Less than 20 years old 9.960,26 11.039,25 8.130,68

20-24 years old 13.293,39 14.711,90 11.663,96

25-29 years old 17.434,00 18.739,58 16.005,30

30-34 years old 20.528,28 22.488,18 18.371,69

35-39 years old 22.429,72 24.758,37 19.526,68

40-44 years old 23.585,09 26.242,01 20.268,85

45-49 years old 24.326,53 27.015,59 20.842,75

50-54 years old 25.881,40 28.531,80 22.010,70

55-59 years old 26.981,89 29.393,28 22.666,51

60-64 years old 22.230,81 23.647,89 19.003,09

65 and more years old 27.116,41 30.532,19 20.430,39

Source: INE. Enquire salary structure 2008.


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In addition, taking into account the whole working

life to calculate the retirement pension regulative

basis will mean a great reduction in the pension

amount for many women, since they occupy the part-

time employments during the raising children years.

That kind of decision may have a regressive effect on

the viability of the retirement pension itself, since itreduces the number of future contributors.

The important fact in a pension system based in

social contribution is not the number of youth and

middle age people per elderly, but the quantity of

workers and the quantity of each contribution per

pensioner. The balance contributor-pensioner has

increased since 1988, and between 2007 and 2010 it

has achieved its higher rates in the last 20 years.

It is important to underline that retirement pensions

are paid by the workers with their contribution

depending on their salary level, thats the reason whythe cuts on salary and precarious working conditions

employees will have greater difficulties to

accomplish the minimum years to access to a

retirement pension, making maximum contributions

impossible to achieve. Since that, the most necessary

measures for supporting and increasing the active

population are the women and young people

inclusion, the 35 hours maximum working week,

better quality employment, better salaries,

temporality reduction and the rise the minimumsalary. Cutting sharply the unemployment and

improving productivity on the base of a productive

economy of goods and services with added value,

instead of a economy based on speculation;

prosecuting the high fiscal fraud in Spain, and

recuperating the taxes eliminated by the right wing

and social-democratic parties and reintroducing once

at all the fiscal progressivity as the base for the tax

system.

Those measures proposed by PSOE are opposed to

the working class interests; capitalism tries to cut the

workers rights using the crisis as an excuse and deep

the market influence and privatization of public

services. Dont let this happen. It is time organize

ourselves. It is time to rise up!

To open doors, to multiply characters, to combine forces

The known quote "one is not born a woman; but

becomes one" by Simone de Beauvoir (1949),

triggered the beginning of a feminist discourse about

the differences of genre between men and women.

She came to be a monolithic subject necessary for the

first steps but resulted in debate of very distinct

voices and opinions. The role of social class, labor,

sexuality and race, were subjects that urged for a

place on the feminist's colective identity. Moreover,

in a more global context, there was a ongoing critic to

the stereotype of the white, eurocentric, burguois and

heterosexual woman and it was in discussion how

this image affected communication and relationships

between different women. The "woman" subject

becomes a woman's domain, a struggle with a plural

an heterogeneous front but nonetheless strong andcombative.

Transexuality starts being discussed in the Feminist

Conference of Madrid in 1993, before that,

transexual's experiences where never brought up for

consultation. However, there where some

discrepancies derived from a cultural-essentialistic

feminism that supposed and defended a rigid and

binary division between men and women. The debate

about the sex/genre system and this binary division of

genre can be a real challenge for Feminism. The

sex/genre system allows the explanation of people

who do not fit in men/women and

masculine/feminine dichotomies, created by the

heteropatriarchal capitalistic system. Genre in

association with race, class and sexuality, are used as

forms of oppression that affect women in a very

direct way, and other people has transsexuals who

don't include themselves as feminists.

Obviously, it's not about loosing identities or the

production of subordinations and power struggles, it

is about working for a more including than excluding,

more united than fragmented feminism, even though

there is much diversity of oppressions, experiences

and demands. Flowing this, the Feminist Conference

of Granada in 2009 proposed the beginning of

something that has been called "transfeminism". This

debates, revolve around this existing space between

frontiers of genre, where people are excluded fromthe category of men/women. Contributions that

remind us of the multitude of experiences, categories

and situations that stop us from creating a

homogeneous category of women and help us

understand what are the mechanisms of power used

to impose these rigid concepts of men and women

and for what purposes they are imposed. Interesting

matters that can integrate multiple forms of

oppressions in one whole, already established and

developing movement such as the Feminist.

Some weeks ago (October 23) an important event

was held in some European cities, International Day

of Struggle for the Despathologization of Trans


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Identities. Specifically in our state, the Net for Trans

Despathologization organize several demonstrations

supported by some LGTB and feminists groups. In

those demonstrations we demanded the withdrawal of

the false Gender Identity Disorder from the

international diagnosis manuals, and the abolition of

treatments for the binary standardization for intersexpeople. In 2007, Spanish PSOE government passed

the Gender Identity Law, still considering

transsexualism as an identity disorder. With this law,

it is necessary a specific diagnosis that reveals the

unreal gender disorder and two years of compulsory

medical treatments. Most of times this treatment

culminate in an obligatory hormonal treatment and in

a personal evaluation of roles with the test for real

life to access to surgery. Everything is done with no

reliable diagnosis proof that determine who is

transsexual and who is not.

To open doors to new characters that make possible

to explain combative criticism to patriarchate andcapitalism is a triumph and a challenge for feminism.

This question is not new in a movement in constant

evolution and development because the individual

concept configuration always has been a problematic

question. The coordination of nets and alliances

between women affected by patriarchate represents a

real challenge to move forward and to build a more

strong and more combative movement.

The students' movement: progressive past, present

continuous, future perfect.Where do we come from?

Over the last decade, we have witnessed the approval

of several laws that are transforming the University

as we know it and infringing on our rights as college

students. These legal reforms, that were made

following the principles of the well known Bologna

process, were implemented in Spain through the

Organic Law of Universities (LOU by its Spanish

acronym), and will be followed by what is now called

2015 Strategy of the University.

This process, started by the LOU, has caused massive

student protest thoughout the last ten years, since

most students have seen that behind these reforms a

new neoliberalist attack on public education was

hidden, embodied in the endless commercialization of

university and loss of its autonomy. Undoubtedly,

these attacks have motivated the student movement to

continue organizing, structuring and consolidating as

a tool state-wide.

The current 2015 Strategy of the University reform,

which can be considered the second part of the

Bologna process, is divided by shafts or differentcontents. Some of the measures proposed mean the

end of democracy at our universities, rates increases

to elitist levels or the establishment of first and

second class universities.

Its promoters pretend to exploit the university as if it

would be any other company, without taking into

account academic criteria, but only economic ones.

These reforms have been conceived and developed by

the economic elite of the European Union, the

representatives of capital, signed by ministers,

accepted by rectors and then given to the universitycommunity as if they would be legitimate, in an

opaque and obscurantist process.

As these reforms were implemented, the student

movement has been growing, 2001 and 2002 being

the first years of mass mobilization of university

students against the LOU. In 2005, high school

students organized themselves to stop the Organic

Law of Education (LOE), and in 2008 university

students prompted massive demonstrations again to

stop the Bologna process.

The movement has been organized in two ways:

through assemblies and associations. On one hand,

during the demonstrations against the LOU, theassemblies were the preferred structures for the

student movement, as they play a unifying role of the

masses thanks to its open and flexible character.

From this period we learned that, in a moment of

recession, the assemblies, due to their lack of

organizational structure, are the first ones to

disappear, as happened after the LOU, when the

student movement nearly became extinct.

The mobilization against the LOE had much less

impact, because of the lack of structure of the

movement and due to the "Students Union"

(trostkist), that distorted the protests in many places,

with an empty speech and false background.

On the other hand, the movement that tried to stop the

Bologna process has been grouped at its birth and its

consolidation around the student assemblies, as it

happened during the LOU mobilizations. The

assemblies, which were the representative bodies for

the 2007/2008 and 2008/2009 courses, moved from a

first phase of general assemblies to a second phase of

assemblies organized by faculties with an assembly

coordinator. In 2009, when the recession of the

movement is evident, different politicalorganizations, including UJCE, decided to create

lasting associations that will survive the recession and


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serve as a platform for new generations of students.

Because of this, different organizations (Red-usem in

Madrid, MAE in Seville, REM in Granada, etc) were

created.

Where are we going?

Thus, learning from recent history, UJCE now relies

on the creation of a student union at the state level

because we believe that is the best way to ensure

lasting structures and efficient responses to the laws

of the various central governments. To achieve this

we aim to provide the permanent structures of

association methodologies, working at their places of

study, and analysing the specific problems.

Our proposal is to work in order that the associations

can get a unionist working system and will converge

on different issues, so that they can unify and create

student unions with a local profile that, due to theinertia, will converge on a state-wide union. We also

think that if this process is going to be successful, the

student movement must take into consideration

Students in Movement (EeM acronyms in Spanish),

an organization in which UJCE has worked since its

inception, being the only state-wide reference

between the students, and also a tool for coordination

between students as well as a meeting place for

students to know whats happening at other corners

of the state.

It is essential to overcome the current framework

offered by the discredited "Student Union" (The

Militant - Trotskyist). During the demonstrations

against Bologna they have lost influence, beingabsent in assemblies and associations, but always

looking to be the visible face of the movement taking

over the calls for demonstrations, which led to

clashes with organized students who despised their

opportunistic attitudes.

The Communist Youth considers that it is essential to

structure the movement to allow its survival in future

struggles. The student movement needs elements of

pressure and organization that can be recognized for

all the students and can also intervene, given the

current situation with increasing problems every year:

rising rates, fewer lectures, exclusion of the decision-making bodies of the University, etc. We value the

creation of the new union as the only possible tool,

against the attacks over public education, and we

believe it is our duty to work with progressive

students for its creation and consolidation.

It is more necessary than ever to work for a new

Student Union.

On the way to the 17th World Festival of Youth and Students!

Some weeks ago, one of our UJCE comrades

travelled to Pretoria, South Africa, to integrate the

International Organizing Committee (IOC) of the

17th WFYS, which has been meeting during the last

weeks. The IOC is made up of not only 24 comrades

from around the world, but also of a large group of

student organizations' representatives, who will work

until the last day of the festival to ensure the political

and organizational success of the 17th WFYS.

The day-to-day work flows dynamically between

meetings with South African organizations and visitsto the festival areas. Meetings were held with the

South African Communist Party (SACP) and the

South African Communist Youth League (YCL) in

which we discussed the political and social situation

of the country and their proposals to improve the

living standards of the working class .

Founded in 1921, the SACP was one of the most

active members in the resistance against the

apartheid, always in close cooperation with the

African National Congress (ANC) and COSATU

(South African Congress of Trade Unions). The partywas born in connection to the mining union struggle,

especially to the riots that occurred at the beginning

of the 20th century, starring in a historic rebellion in

1922 that came to occupy part of cities such as

Pretoria and Johannesburg. This revolt was harshly

repressed by the government of the time, a repression

that included using tanks and bombs to the cost of

more than 300 trade unionists killed.

Once the apartheid was imposed, a strong persecution

began, and PCSA started to operate undercover. Still,

this does not prevent their heroic struggle against the

racist government, leading, together with members of

the tripartite alliance, a multitude of strikes, studentriots, and popular movements.

Key proposals of the YCL and the SACP are the

expropriation and nationalization without

compensation of the South African mines, which

represent a large percent of the income of the

country, and are now in hands of multinational

companies that only give a 5% of their benefits to the

State.

YCL fight for free and public education and health

services as measures to relieve the effects of theunderdevelopment and social exclusion that survived

the end of apartheid.


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Meetings with leaders of the ANC Youth League and

the ANC (African National Congress) were also held,

where we discussed the history of the struggle against

the apartheid government, Nelson Mandela and other

historic leaders like Walter Sisulu and Steve Biko,

and their ongoing struggles against the economicoligarchy which remains being the same that imposed

and managed the Apartheid.

As previously mentioned, in addition to the SACP

and the ANC, there is another member of the

tripartite alliance: the COSATU (South African

Congress of Trade Unions). It was founded in 1985

with the aim of defending the rights of South African

workers without making any colour differentiation, so

it also took an active part in the anti-apartheid

movement. Despite having a strong alliance with the

ANC as the SACP, also has strong criticism towards

some sectors of government, and its economic policy,

which has led the call for general strikes. However,

they always submit recommendations to the

government on social and labour issues.

In short, we could say that the tripartite alliance is

based on the Ekurhuleni agreements, that establish

the fundamental points that must be accomplished for

the strategic project of revolutionary alliance, so that

it can evolve and be fruitful. These agreements are

the framework that guide the government on social,

political, administrative, and historical purposes.

They guarantee the dedication of the government tofree education and health, labour and social rights, as

well as issues relating to ownership of land and

estates.

Soweto Uprising

The Soweto uprising, on the outskirts of

Johannesburg, was one of the largest uprisings

against the apartheid regime. The racist government

wanted to force the compulsory teaching of Afrikaans

(the language of the Afrikaners, white Dutch

descendants) in the black segregated schools, as well

as the removal of the native Bantu languages. This

prompted the protest of student movements driven by

the ANC and the SACP.

On June 16, 1976, black students in Soweto with the

support of their teachers, organized a demonstration

with more than 10,000 people that was boycotted by

the racist authorities by putting barricades on the road

leading to the Orlando Stadium in Soweto. Given the

refusal of the police to let them pass, and the tenacity

and courage of the students, the police began a brutal

crackdown that pushed the whole neighborhood, in

solidarity, into taking the streets to protest.

The protests, in which there were constant clashes

between the people of Soweto and approximately

1500 police officers, lasted over two days and left

more than 500 people dead, mostly in the student

ranks.

The first one to be killed due to police gunfire wasHector Pieterson, a student of just 12 years old. He

became a symbol for the youth resistance, and a

memorial was erected to the victims of repression in

his memory. The day of his death, June 16th, was

recognized as the day of the militant African Youth.

The killing of the racist regime aroused broad waves

of solidarity within and outside the borders of the

country. In South Africa, hundreds of white students

rallied in cities across the country in solidarity, and

were harshly repressed. Also in other cities there

were demonstrations of rejection organized by the

black movement, with the tragic toll of dozens of

deaths.

Internationally, the brutal repression meant the

international isolation of South Africa, through a

United Nations resolution.

The Apartheid was a political and legal segregation

system, imposed by the Nationalist Party in 1948.

The system was based on racist ideas of white

supremacy of the Afrikaner population of South

Africa, with wide influence in politics and

economics.

This legal system (supported by the U.S., who went

quite far to provide them nuclear weapons in the fight

against the Angolan and Namibian independence

forces) imposed the allocation of rights under colour

of skin. Thus, blacks were not allowed to move freely

around the country and choose their residence, being

forced to live in ghettos or Bantustans, areas of black

population under administrative rule.

Prohibition of employment choice was also enforced.

By law, men were employed almost exclusively in

the construction industry, which also had quotas of

workers by race. Women were reserved mainly for

domestic services for the whites. An education

system dedicated to the black population that focused

on justifying the superiority of one race over another

was created, and their access to universities was

banned. The expropriation of their land and property

was allowed without the possibility of any legal

claim. Population was registered according to their

race. Intermarriage and sexual or romantic

relationships between mixed couples was prohibited,

being considered a crime.


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In addition, special emphasis was placed on law

enforcement policy to fight communism and

terrorism, which outlawed communism and the

CPSA, and also allowed a special legal regime to

judge anyone who resisted the apartheid regime.

Nelson Mandela was one of the greatest anti-apartheid fighters, who was imprisoned for 27 years,

until the end of apartheid. During these years his

struggle was an example to South African resistance

and an inspiration for other African nations that also

fought for their freedom and independence.

The South African apartheid, which also ruled

Namibia, under the form of the African Union,

invaded Angola and Zambia, countries from which

the SWAPO (South West Africa People's

Organization) organized the independentist Namibian

guerrilla, created by Sam Nujoma, and also

Umkhonto we Sizwe (Spear of the Nation), which

was the armed wing of the SACP and the ANC.

In these two countries, the racist government suffered

serious defeats against SWAPO forces, supported by

the Cuban army led by Fidel Castro himself from La

Habana. The withdrawal of racist military forces

from Angola and Namibia after the battle of Cuito

Cuanavale, was a deadly wound to the apartheid

regime which had to accept the independence of

Namibia and the holding of free elections.

After a succession of military defeats, andinternational and public pressure, the apartheid

regime collapsed, and in 1990 the abolition process of

the apartheid began, with the release of Mandela and

the legalization of the ANC, culminating with his

election as president in 1994.

The Festival

Regarding the spaces provided for the Festival,

Pretoria has devoted the best facilities in the city. In

particular, two universities and a convention centre

will serve for political activities and sports, whilecultural activities are located in large public squares

or city halls. The entire city of Pretoria will be a

vibrant space for youth!

The opening of the Festival will be held at the Loftus

Versfeld Stadium, with a capacity of 45,000 people,

and which recently hosted the World Cup. A concert

with leading artists in the country and the

intervention of the President of the WFDY, Tiago

Vieira, and South African President Jacob Zuma, are

scheduled. At this very stadium, there will be a

march, a marathon against imperialism, a

choreography with traditional dances from Africa

with over 1000 participants, and quite a few more

surprises.

So far there are 7000 confirmed delegates from

outside South Africa and this number is increasing

every day, also, expectations of participation of South

African young people themselves are increasing.

Assistance is led by the African continent, with more

than 4,000 of the delegates.

So far, there are 70 confirmed delegates from Spain,

but the registration period has not yet been closed, inorder to allow that more young people enjoy and

participate in an event of the category of the World

Festival of Youth and Students.

Solidarity with Saharawi people

Almost thirty five years ago, when the last Spanish

soldier left the city of El Aain the 26th February

1976, the Spanish colonization in Occidental Sahara

territory ended, leaving alone the Saharawi people

and having signed their death judgment with Madrid

Agreements on 14th November 1975.

Thirty five years after the proclamation of the

Saharawi Arab Democratic Republic (SADR) in the

city of Bir Lehlu, even nowadays the only Arab

Republic that keeps Spanish as bridge language, the

feeling of shame towards that administration and the

ones which came after, is still felt by those that

nowadays support the Saharawi people, due to the

unwillingness of our political clash to assume the

Spanish responsibility as administrative power.

Thirty five shameful years in which none of the

government presidents have recognized the SADR,

task which has been done by more than eight States

all around the world.

Thirty five years in which this little and special

Magreb people has had to face the savageness of war

and the extermination attempt of the Morocco

autocratic regime. Thirty five repressive years when

permanent and arbitrary violations of Human Rights

were accomplished by the Morocco Kingdom

towards a people which has risen for their legitimate

right to self-determination and independence. Thirty

five years of permanent plundering of the

environmental resources from Occidental Sahara by

the occupying power and the companies that operatesthere, among them, a great quantity of Spaniards.


9/16

The facts happened last November 2010 in the

occupied territories are nothing but the prove that the

Morocco autocratic regime targets to eliminate from

the Occidental Sahara territory any cultural trace and

Saharawi traditions, and even to exterminate the

whole people itself. In that sense, the occupying

power has the approval of the internationalcommunity unable to solve this halted problematic.

The Morocco repressive forces violent dismantling of

the Gdeim Izik Demonstration Camp that Saharawi

people had risen in the surroundings of El Aain and

the next repression against the Saharawi civil

population by the Morocco colons serving the

Morocco monarchy, claim the genocide and massacre

attempt that the Saharawi people that lives in the

occupied territories is suffering.

Despite of the summary killings, the arbitrary

detentions of Saharawi activists, the breaking andentering in the Saharawi houses by the Morocco

colons, the permanent torture and repression towards

the Saharawi civil population, the uncountable

number of deaths, the more than a milliard of blessed

people, the more than 200 missing people, the denial

of access of the international journalists, the

expulsion of the information workers who from the

occupied territories warned about the extermination

attempt, and even the members of the European

parliament has been sent back when they were in the

Occidental Sahara airport Despite all of that,

neither the ineffective UN nor the shameful SpanishGovernment have had condemned the actions of the

occupying power.

Facing this whole set of circumstances, the fake

passivity police showed during the last two

Zapateros terms on the issues concerning the

Saharawi people conflict, has turned into an

unmeasured collusion with the Morocco Kingdom,

illustrated by Trinidad Jimnez and other members of

the executive behavior, who has avoided to condemn,

as it should have been done, the genocide attempt and

ethnic cleaning that the Morocco Monarchy is

committing against the Saharawi civil population that

remains in the Occidental Sahara occupied territories.

The new Foreign Affairs Minister has not condemned

the Morocco Regime, but she has even deliberately

lied pretending they dont know the facts around the

dismantling of the Saharawi Demonstration Camp;

she has also lied when she said that no government

has condemned the Morocco attitude, since

Venezuela and Cuba had done it from the first

moment; and she lies every time she ensures that the

government she belongs to respects the self

determination right of Saharawi people.

From the Communist Youth we stand the requirement

of urgent intervention demanded by the PolisarioFront, the only and legitimate representative of

Saharawi people, to the security Council of UN with

the aim to avoid the ethnic cleaning that Morocco try

to accomplish in the occupied territories. In addition,

we support the Saharawi people and their brave fight

for the self determination rights and the independence

to choose the most suitable way to achieve it.

Inevitably, sooner or later, Spanish Government will

have to apologize to Saharawi people for their

support to the Morocco autarkic regime, for ignoring

the massacres and killings in Occidental Sahara, and

also accomplish the historical duties that Spanish

Administration assumed with the Sahara people and

unfortunately, 35 years later hasnt been achieved.

INDEPENDENT AND FREE SAHARA!

AGAINST BARBARIE AND REPRESSION!

SELFDETERMINATION REFERENDUM NOW!

France: Capitalism is over!

France has developed in the last months a violent

classes fight due to the neoliberal Sarkozys

government project, that intends to force the French

working class to spend two more years working

before having the right to enjoy their whole value

retirement pension, from 65 to 67 years old. In the

case of the partial value pension the legal age would

be increased from 62 to 65 years old with more duties

and compulsory contributions.

In this scene, the French workers have decided to

establish a loyal and strong struggle for their social

rights. In September, the first big demonstrations and

strikes took place, but it was in October when they

have reached their peak. There have been eight

demonstrations to which 2 and 35 million people

attended (the 6th of November, even in a rainy day

13 million people were present). In those two

months strikes, pickets, decentralized mobilizations

in all economical sectors: daily there were summoned

general or partial strikes (in both public, - schools,

libraries, airports - and private sector factories and

nuclear centrals, etc), road blockade and interrupting

the airport high schools and universities access all


10/16

around the country, with huge participation of

students especially from intermediate education.

Specifically, the oil sector suffered the biggest

disruptions: refineries became a mobilization symbol

because of the workers determination, who left

virtually the whole country without the supply of oil

in some terms. When the road freight transports

announced they were going to join the struggle, the

complete blockade of the economy became a real

hypothesis, since the ports were already blocked (the

Marsella struggle was one of the most active focus).

The decentralization and multiplicity of actions,

however they were always in the Interunion

framework, have been the brand image and the only

way the worker movement and the only possible way

for the working class to resist the neoliberal

offensive.

Thanks to the increasing and hardening of the

sectorial struggles, the mobilization against the

legislative amendment has achieved an undeniable

political dimension, despite that at the beginning it

was just a specific economical demand. Right now, it

is a political struggle, not only against the legislative

amendment but against the choice of a society model,

against the neoliberal offensive ongoing, for the

union rights, for the employment and for the

improvement of the life conditions. The intransigent

and against eh working class Sarkozys government

position, which has insisted on aproving the

amendment, even if it was rejected by the French

people (75% rejection according to the bourgeois

media poll ), has contributed to compromise the

bourgeois institutions legitimacy: as far as millions of

French workers are concerned, the governments

attitude has been lawless and antidemocratic.

That conviction has increased due to the violence

used by the police forces that, obeying the mayors

rules, have occupied the refineries breaking the right

to strike, sometimes even in a violent way and after

being considered illegal by the courts. We have

witnessed also other kind of abuses, such as

provocations during demonstrations, which were so

huge that has been denounced by politicians and

union leaders. Consequently, Government and

employers organizations were afraid of a popular

movement whose existence had been denied till that

moment.

Likewise, it is important to take into account that in

France no general strike has been summoned, only

partial strikes generalized to which the Unions with

the largest membership have showed solidarity and

support. Following this trend, in the Interunion

meeting of 21st of October, the French Unions (with

the exception of Solidaires and Force Ouvrire,

minority unions with a left wing orientation), decided

to summoned national mobilizations instead of a

general strike, as a large sector of the medium level

cadre and base militants were asking for. This

incident is very representative of the French unionswith the largest memberships mainly CGT and

CFDT in which the bases represents a more

combative and leftist position than their directions.

Against every difficulty the French people still show

its braveness and they promise to keep on fighting

hardly. A new general mobilization has been

summoned the last week of November and the

decentralized mobilizations are still very active.

M.Q. from Paris (France) for Agitacin.org

El Chojn. Further than stereotypes. By Nega (LCDM)

Eight LPs, several rough cut, articles, poetry and

the recent publication of the book Rap. 25 aos

de rimas (by Viceversa), a complete retrospective

of the hip hop history in Spain. A rapper who

avoids bad words in their lyrics, he is against drug

consumption (including tobacco and alcohol),respect for women and shows an acid social

criticism such as racism denounce and

corporatism, or the claim of a positive hip hop.

Are we facing a different rapper or the weird ones

are the other rappers? Who is El Chojn?

In fact as everybody- I am the result of my

experiences and learning when I first heard theword hip hop was accompanied by an amount of

precepts that I finally assimilated as if they were by


11/16

myself. The hip hop I met then wasn't against drug

consumption; it just upheld that in order to avoid

society's traps, it is necessary to eliminate every

possible distraction. Taking into account that this

movement comes from the USA poorest

neighbourhoods, where alcohol and other drugs -legal

or not- are part of the plan for keeping poor people onpoverty, asleep and inactive, that's how I understood

it. Hip hop needed to raise his voice over any kind of

discrimination -which includes the one against

women- because, as it is said, only through the union

of the people oppressed by the system, we could

manage to force a change of system... I dont want to

be the different rapper, I wish I was only another

one that has a logic speech: discrimination is

unacceptable, the poor isn't less valuable than the

rich, we are the ones to set the limits

After 8 LP's solo, several rough cuts, your works

with 995 and a career of almost 15 years, do you

feel as excited as you were in the beginning? How

did the scene changed since 1998, the year when

your first CD was published?

I know it may seem typical, but the excitement now is

bigger than then because it is not till these last years

that I realized of the great possibilities of this music.

We are social animals, as we notice that our work is

valued and accepted by the people we care of.

I finally appreciate the progress we've made in this

decade. We've learn, experimented, and grow as

individuals, so we can do now more serious and

respectable work. Honestly, I believe hip hop

professionals have done a pretty good job on our

country.

Let's go on with the scene. On the one hand the

rough cut period with visible social and political

content was noticeable and it kept till the end of

the nineties. In the last times we have witnessed a

great transformation, a peak of violence, drug

dealing and the life on the limit apology in rap.

What has happened? It seems that everybody

wants to be a gangster and it is harder to findsocial criticism in people...

Its true we have imported from the USA that kind of

hip hop you are talking aboutbut I can not agree

with the fact that this is in fashion right now because

there are many groups apart of those who make

crowded concerts or have media repercussions. There

are people that understand rap just like music used for

entertainment, which I respect, but hip hop as

philosophy remains in most of the raps I listen to. I

travel a lot and I always receive rough cuts wherever

I go, so I can ensure that most rappers who face a

micro are willing to say things beyond the I am so

cool or asses, boobs, champagne. I still believe in

that.

Things that happen, things that don't happen and

should happen. From your lyrics we can extract

that you felt more than once racism in your own

skin. We all keep in mind the Carlos Palominokilling, the brutal attack against the Congolese

Miwa Buene or recently the Sub-Saharan beaten

guy in Tomelloso. What is fascism nurtured of? Is

it a scatterbrain Nazi problem or is it more

complicated?

Of course it goes further than that. Those who

consider themselves to be Nazis without knowing

what they are talking about dont even arrive to be

considered the icebergs peak. Racism has been

deeply rooted in European societies for many

centuries and even the language has an important role

to play in this matter. Why do we use the term Sub-Saharan? We are not talking about a geographic

origin since it is not applied to white Sub-Saharan. It

is a kind of euphemism; we evade negro because

even nowadays is considered an offensive word,

something close to the insult that must be avoided to

be politically correct. To that point racism is located

in the European unconsciousness. While we continue

talking about human races even if Science has

proved that such a thing doesnt exist. We wont be

able to feel empathy to a different person, since we

dont value her/him as an equal person. Both,

condescending paternalism and antagonism couldonly disappear if we understand that even if we are

all different, we have the same value.

About the crisis, who are the ones to blame?

I don't know... but I think that it's not sensible to try

to hide behind the most powerful people. I'm sure that

we, the usual people, are also to blame of it because

we accept like sheep whatever they want to do to us.

When we are told to have mobile phones we buy

them; when cameras are installed in every corner, we

accept it; when we are told that they are going to

introduce micro-chips in our identity card, we dontsay a word about; when we have to get naked in the

airports because everyone is considered guilty until

innocence is proved, we smile with stupid face while

our trousers are falling since we took off the belt...

The way in which we delegate to our

representatives is shameful and we are shown as a

pathetic and lazy society. We enjoy meeting in bars

and criticizing the policy of our majors, region

presidents, ministers or businessmen, but we deserve

this treatment as far as we dont stand up for our

power. Banks dont grant any mortgage lets

extract all our savings during a month of the banks;

we will see what happens then. As I say, I dont know


12/16

who created the crisis, but we worsen the

consequences with our docile attitude.

Changing the topic, what about Obama? He

didnt move away the troops from Irak, he didntclose Guantanamo, the atrocities of Afganistan are

starting to be leaked and the social security

reform has been stopped (the medical lobbies and

the Republican Party in the Congress blocked the

process) Was he a naive idealist or only another

good speaker from the Empire? Did he crash with

the reality or was he more of the same with a

progressive aura?

As I dont want to lose totally the hope in our chance

as human beings, I want to believe that its the first

option. I feel almost forced to believe that the

American mechanism is so huge that his inertia isabsolutely able to run over any presidential good

intention but actually, I am not very excited about

the issue. I dont understand Obama as a good or a

bad president for the USA, I understand him as a

symbol without a person behind, as it always

happens with symbols- he brought hope and the hope

isnt always enough, but it is necessary and positive.

The fact that the coherent speech of a black man who

said that Guantanamo was unacceptable and that the

Iraq war was a nonsense succeeded in elections in a

country like the United States; it means that not

everything is lost there, it means that people is still

able to distinguish what is good and what is bad. In

addition, his term hasnt finished yet, let see what he

is still able to do

Focusing in our country, will we see a Third

Republic? Will we be able to elect our Chief os

State?

I dont know if we will see it, but I dont doubt that it

will exist in the future. The monarchy is something

absolutely anachronistic and unsustainable. We have

a Constitution that says that everybody is equal

except a family immigrant indeed; because he was

born in Italy and she did it in Greece- . Due to divine

grace, they enjoy of some privileges, it is hard tounderstand and impossible to be justified. We will be

able to elect our State Chief, for sure.

Finally, and coming back to your career, a CD in

2009, a new book in 2010, say the news with Rap

music in channel 2, whats the next? Which

projects do you have in mind?

Im preparing my next record which will be for sale

by February or March of 2011, I signed a contract

with Espasa and my first book with them has been

submitted and I am awaiting a publishing date

probably by the firsts months of 2011 too- Apart fromthis, Ill make a little of the same, I mean, concerts,

courses, poetry recitals, lectures, articles

A book: 1984, George Orwell.

A film: Hotel Rwanda, Terry George.

Best concert as artist: Bata, Equatorial Guinea,

2007.

Best concert as public: Fem Kut, Madrid 2006.Favorite antique group: Public Enemy.

Nowadays group: Little Brother.

Historic character: Two, Malcolm X and Sir Isaac

Newton.

A politician you will never vote: Esperanza Aguirre.

A place where to get lost: Sao Tom.A trip for the future: Okinawa, Japan.

Last demonstration which you went to: Against the

Immigration Law reform, Madrid. Early in the year.

Salt of the Earth- Herbert J. Biberman

In 1984, Juan Chacn, main

character of this film and union

leader in the mining sector,

outraged in an interview about

the weakness of the working

class movement, whose leaders

are even trying to negotiate

working conditions without

going on strike.

These words can approach us to

the thoughts of those who took

part in the story that Salt of

the Earth tells about. A

mixture of fiction and

documentary, this film relates

that, after an accident, the

Mexican workers of a mine

went on strike. The struggle

continued and it articulated the

racial and mainly the genre

contradictions in a working

class conflict. Women will

became, by their own merits

and against their union

husbands initial will, the heroes

of the story.

Prosecuted by the Macarthur

anticommunist movement, the

film was barely distributed in

that moment and had to face a

great amount of problems.

Nowadays, it is considered a

global cinema masterpiece and

it belongs to the USA Congress

Library


13/16

Doris Lessing: The golden notebook.

A notebook as a way of

knowing oneself; but only in a

level? No. Life is much more

complex. Four notebooks to getto know yourself: a black one, a

red one, a blue one and a yellow

one. Can I split myself into

several pieces? No, I cant. I am

indivisible.

The golden notebook is a novel

placed in the medium XIX

century London, specifically in

the life of a communist writer

woman, divorced and immersed

in an existential crisis. All due

to the contradictions confrontedin her everyday life, so that, she

decided to write several

notebooks as a way to get to

know oneself, each one referred

to an aspect of her life.

In this way, having concluded

that this method only discovered

even more doubts, she resorted

to The golden notebook as a

way to solve the uncertainties of

her life.

A masterpiece, the report of a

generation and its feminist fight

from the deepest base of a

woman: the right to live her life

as she chooses, not as it is

imposed.

The Clash: Sandinista!Everybody knows this original

and almost virginal trio that,

with Sex Pistols, is associated to

the bloom of the anti-

establishment spirit of 77: The

Clash, who unlike other bands

of the generation added a

political attack in its lyrics.

We would like to share here,

even if it cant be considered itsmost representative work, the

SANDINISTA! Album, edited

as a warm homage to the

Sandinista front of National

Liberation (FSLN), the

Nicaraguan guerrilla that faced

the Yankee imperialism. This,

the fifth album of this band from

London has thirty six songs

mixing rock, punk and Jamaican

rhythms, where the lyrics play a

fundamental role of support tothe national liberation fights

(Washington Bullets),

homage to the rebels who

fought till their last breath

(Rebel Waltz) or against

police repression (Police on mi

back).

To summarize, a really

combative CD from the Joe

Strummer band that will help us

in those moments of defeatistthoughts to go on in the fight.

2010: Another year of Communist Festivals!

The 17th, 18th and 19th September PCE festival came

back to Madrid. Only some days before the General

Strike, it was not a surprise that the hub political axis

was the 29th September.

In that sense the most attractive activity, with thecentral speech, was the lecture Reason to go on

strike given by General Secretaries of the main

working class Unions: UGT y CCOO, Cayo Lara and

Jose Luis Centella.

In the central speech, in addition to Centellas

intervention, Dani Alvarez PCMs General

Secretary-, Cristina Simon from PCEs Woman

Secretary and our Political Secretary Jose Leon took

part. Leon underlined that there are reasons enough

for the revolution, for rebellion, for the political,

ideological and social struggle in the system that

brought us to this crisis. The Communist Youth

Union, as usually in every Party festival, was

organized to shout slogans all around the

showground.

Delegations of Communist youth took part in the

preparation and promotion of the festival; they

worked as waitress or in the cleaning activities too. Inthe most political side of the festival the Youth was

also present with lectures about Feminism and the

promotion of South African WFYS.

The celebration of this historical festival in Madrid

was a complete success and indeed it was useful to

increase the militants level of work to face

successfully the 29th mobilization in which PCE

played a fundamental role.

In addition, we would like to comment our

participation as guest delegation in la Fte de

lHumanit of the French Communist Party (PCF), inla Festa do Avante of the Portuguese Communist


14/16

Party (PCP) and in the Odigitis Festival of the Greek

Communist Youth (KNE), where we learnt about the

political reality of those countries and the fights

carried out by their working classes, which meant

also a deepness in our bilateral relationships.

Hasta siempre, camarada.Marcelino Camacho died the night 29th October,

when he was 92 years old, and after a long sickness,

just a month after the 29-S General Strike, and

surrounded by his beloved Josefina, his family, his

friends and his comrades.

Marcelino had militated in the Spanish Communist

Party since 1935 and until the last of their days, and it

was due to those fights that he was several times

imprisoned by the Francos regime, but even there he

didnt give up the struggle although the possibilities

to exercise his militant duties were absolutelyrestricted.

Vocational Unionist, Marcelino was always

convinced of the imperative need of organised unity

of the working class in order to collectively defend

from the capitalistic attacks. This unity would

become the bluntest tool for the working class since

there it is possible to take the floor, increase the

conscience and class identity and secure our causes.

After the Spanish Civil War he was jailed and judged

for joining the Republican Army. He managed to

escape, but some months after that he is captured and

sent to forced works in Tanger.

Years after, he runaway from jail once again but he is

imprisoned, but this time he was pardoned in 1957. In

1967, his political and unionist activity would bring

him back to prison, although his finally pardoned in

1973, in the famous process 1001 framework. It s

then, when he claims They didn't get us under

control, they didn't humble us and they won't

domesticate us".

From his underground work, Marcelino leaded the

construction of the working class movement in a new

way, a socio-political union based on plural

assemblies. Since his youth his militant example,

braveness, coherence and involvement stressed him

to his comrades and the working class. He became a

matchless political point of reference, one of those

you find in History books.

Marcelino Camacho was the first General Secretary

of CCOO (1976-1987) and a PCE Deputy in Madrid

between 1977 and 1981, but even when he quitted the

first row political activity he maintained active

militancy till his last days in the PCE and othercauses he found fair. He has been and will always be

a political orientation for us, the Communist Youth, a

great orientation that is nowadays harder to find.

Although we wont remember him as a myth but as

honest and close communist with whom we always

could share experiences and mobilizations, ask for

guidelines or procedures, somebody with whom share

the joy of fighting.

Marcelino Camacho is the living legend of the true

meaning of Communist; his whole life can be

considered an illustrative example of the wishes of

conquering a fairer society through working class

struggle.

As a last resort, it is sure he would have felt proud of

his farewell, thousands of free women and men

carrying PCE and CCOO flags while singing in

Madrids street the fight goes on.

His comrades will never forget him, since he will be

alive in every battle we face.

Hasta siempre camarada.

Aida de la Fuente: The asturian red rose.

On February 25 1915 the daughter of the poster

maker Gustavo de la Fuente and Jesusa Penaos was

born. Due to the fathers job the whole family move

to Oviedo, the main city of Asturias, in order to

prepare the signs and scenery of Campoamor theatre.

She and his brothers grew up in Oviedo, and it is

there where she developed her militant activity since

she was very young. She became a cadre of the Youth

in the Oviedos Communist Party, which was

founded by her father among other communists.

In 1934, the Radical Party of Alejandro Lerroux

asked to become part of the Government to the

Spanish Autonomous Rights Confederation, a fascist

formation leaded by Gil Robles. This fact may

possible the historical alliance between communists,

socialists and anarchists under the name of Joined


15/16

Proletarian Brothers. The armed conflict started the

5th October in the coal mining area of Nalon and

Caudal, where the workers managed to control during

some hours all the Civil Guards (Spanish military

police) barracks and got provided of weapons using

the dynamite as a tool.

The revolution spread and organized focus appeared

all around Asturias, the weapons delivery is

generalized and the efforts of every worker

committee focus on establishing an Asturian

Commune. The Youth of the Communist Party and

other involved organizations kept the peace and

abolished the monetary system and private property

in some areas. The front resolute to conquer Oviedo,

but the city resisted strongly due to the military

battalions that were placed strategically and were

waiting for reinforcements. Those who lived the fact

talk about the silence before the arrival of miners, the

calm that preceded the storm. After that, the streets

got empty and suddenly huge dynamite explosions

started opening the way of the revolutionary columns,

which were more than 30.000 militiamen and women.

The revolutionaries conquered Oviedo only partly,

and Aida de la Fuente, as a member of the

Communist Youth, assumed the tasks she is asked to

accomplish: delivering letters to the fronts,

organizing community kitchens, supplying the miners

in the front and even doing some nursery.

The 13th October the governmental troops moved

forward to surrounding area of San Pedro de los

Arcos church, which made the revolutionaries to

retreat. Aida, who was in charge of the

communications among the front and the

Revolutionary Committee was trapped and had to

remain in one of the submachine guns that combated

the legion. During some hours she defended

heroically her position while other comrades were

falling all around the battlefield, but it was Aidas

submachine gun the last to be silenced. Her

determined resistance impressed even the legionaries.

Juan Ambou, the last revolutionary who saw her

alive, sent reinforcements but unfortunately at the

time they arrived the position had already been taken

by the legion.

The legend said that the militaries were so shocked

that the person who made such a strong resistance

was a woman so young. One of them asked her name,

and she replied with the fist raised libertarian

communist. She was naked in order to find any

documentation she may have and executed among

other comrades. Her corpse was thrown to a common

grieve, but the neighbours could recuperate her

ruined dress and gave it to her mother

Since then, this young hero disappears from history,

condemned to forget her life and braveness during 40

years of Francos dictatorship. Despite of this fact,that mixed reality and legend, nowadays we can

ensure that Aida was killed in the place where today a

monolith has been raised to homage her resistance till

the last breath serving the working class cause.

Aida de la Fuentes name has remained in the

collective unconsciousness and many popular songs

mention her, although they could only be sung

secretly or in the darkness of the mine. Songs that

made her become a myth, since then and today:

Pola sangre que vertiesti / xorrecern ms rosales /

n'esta rexn asturiana / con roses bien colloraes. / A

primeros d'ochobre / glayarn per toa Espaa / les

mocedaes marxistes / coses de La Llibertaria, / coses

de La Llibertaria.

By the plited blood / more rosebush will grow / in

this Asturian region / with really red roses / October

first / will shout all around Spain /the Marxist youth /

from the Libertarian slogans, / from the Libertarian

slogans.


16/16

Agitacin >> The Spanish Communist Youth Unions magazine.

N9 Winter // English Edition

Agitación, nº 09, invierno 2010 [english]

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Transcript of Agitación, nº 09, invierno 2010 [english]