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Territories among hunter-gatherers & the ritual dimension
of landscapes: the central Patagonian plateau, Argentina
Natalia Carden
Archaeology Division, Facultad de Ciencias Naturales y Museo, Universidad Nacional de La Plata- CONICET,
Museo de Ciencias Naturales, Paseo del Bosque s/n, La Plata, Buenos Aires, Argentina
nataliacarden@yahoo.com
Keywords
Rock art, hunter gatherer territories, ritual landscapes, Patagonia
Abstract
This paper discusses rock art as a form of communication within hunter-gatherer social relationships. The
recognition of what kinds of places were preferentially demarcated is essential to the comprehension of the social
and symbolic dimensions of the landscape. The main argument developed in the article is that rock art played afundamental role in territorial demarcations and that ritual practices were a key element in this process. Thus, one
of the methodological issues that is addressed concerns the identification of sacred places linked to rituals,
which can be understood as part of wider religious systems. In this context, the analysed rock art sites are treated
as singular places which can be integrated as signifying systems deeply immersed within hunter-gatherer
cosmological frameworks. For this objective, five archaeological sites with rock-carvings are compared. They
belong to two archaeological localities from two different sectors (lower and upper course) of the same temporary
basin in a volcanic and semiarid landscape from southern Patagonia, Argentina. The relationships discussed are
framed in the social dynamics that characterise the late Holocene in Patagonia. The main analysed aspects are:
the location of the motifs and their visibility patterns, the relationships of the rock art sites considering their
similarities and differences, the intervisibility between these sites, the animal and human representations and
the rituality of the landscapes.
1 Introduction
The hunter-gatherer occupation of southern
Patagonia, from the late Pleistocene to the late
Holocene, has changed in response to shifts in the
structure of resources. The archaeological record
documents technological innovations during this
period and changes to settlement and mobilitypatterns, all of which have been related to
modifications in social networks and territorial
redefinitions (Gradin et al 1979; Borrero 1994-95;
Aschero 1996, 2000; Gradin & Aguerre 1992; Aguerre
& Gradin 2003; Miotti 2003; Miotti & Salemme 2003).
In this complex evolution, the late Holocene has
been associated with climatic conditions similar to
the present ones, which have configured a semiarid
landscape (Borrero 1994-95; Miotti 1998; Goi et al
2004). As a result of these conditions, the location offresh water sources and fauna - basically camelids
(Lama guanicoe) - became more critical and
unpredictable, since the grazing fields for these
animals had diminished (Aschero 2000). Although
these environmental conditions can be traced to the
early and middle Holocene, they became accentuated
in the late Holocene. One of the social responses
which have been associated with these changes is amore structured mobility in order to maximise the
capture of camelids in the high plateaux during the
summer and in the low canyons during the winter
seasons (Gradin 1976; Gradin & Aguerre 1992;
Aschero 1996; Belardi & Goi 2002). A more intense
use of resources is also manifested in the increment
of a blade technology and in the standardisation of
some lithic instruments (mainly small scrapers),
probably as a consequence of a reduced mobility and
reduced chances of access to raw material sources(Aschero 2000). Another way of obtaining these
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resources could have been through exchange, which
implies the existence of social networks and alliances
through logistical mobility. The presence of obsidian
(whose sources are located near the Andes
Cordillera) and marine molluscs in the central plateau
has been explained in this way (Miotti 1998, 2003).
Borrero (1994-95) characterises this stage as astable occupation, because although a demographic
increment can be proposed through more continuous
and redundant occupations, human populations
always remained under the carrying capacity of the
environment. But this stable occupation did not
necessarily imply the stability of the social interaction
networks. In the context of a growing demography and
more intense social relationships, the amplification
of such networks could have enhanced the
possibilities of alliances (for the reassurance of
finding mates and access to other territories and their
resources) but could also have increased the
likelihood of conflict through competition (Bender 1978,
Lourandos 1997; Belardi 2004; Fiore 2006; Carden
2007a).
Rock art from the late Holocene in southern
Patagonia can be characterised by a wide variety of
styles, including paintings and rock carvings
(Schobinger & Gradin 1985). In this period some
motifs become more frequently repeated in a larger
number of sites and show wider spatial distributions,a situation which could reflect the amplification of the
social interaction networks and the increase of
logistical mobility (Carden 2007a). In this context, the
question which shall be addressed in this article is
whether rock art could have been used as a means of
expressing territorial affiliations.
2 Rock art, territories and sacred landscapes
To explore the relationships between the visual
demarcations of landscapes and the definition of
territorial rights among hunter-gatherers it is
necessary to revise the connotations of the concept
of territory according to different theoretical
standpoints.
From an ecological framework, Dyson Hudson &
Smith (1978:22) characterise a territory as an area
occupied more or less exclusively by an individual or
group by means of repulsion through overt defence
or some form of communication. The territorial
defence refers to economic resources and from a
cost-benefit model the authors explore the ecologicalconditions under which this behaviour should be
beneficial for human groups.
The idea of a perimetral defence of an area has
been criticised, in the first place, with the argument
that hunter-gatherers tend to regulate the access to
their resources by other groups through the defence
of their social boundaries, as has been proposed for
Australian Aboriginal groups through examples ofgreeting ceremonies (Peterson 1975) and for South
African foragers (Cashdan 1983). This kind of
regulation has been explained as functional because
it keeps individuals informed about the spatial
distribution of the resources and it avoids their
overexploitation, so that social groups remain under
the carrying capacity of the environment. A second
argument against territoriality as a perimetral defence
is that hunter-gatherers territories are not two-
dimensional but zero-dimensional and one-
dimensional, which means that these groups exert
claims of property over resources which are localised
in specific places, and over the pathways that connect
these places (Ingold 1986a:147). In this way, a territory
may be discontinuous and can be interconnected with
other territories (Criado Boado 1999).
Claims of territorial property among hunter
gatherers not only refer to economic resources, but
also to the immaterial and sacred knowledge
concerning the creation of certain places and all the
symbols associated with it: songs, rituals, bodypaintings and rock art (see Blundell 1980; Ingold
1986a; Layton 1986, 1989; Morphy 1995; Taon 1999;
Flood 2004 for examples among Australian Aboriginal
groups). The immaterial knowledge can be tangible
in the natural features of the landscape and intersects
with everyday practices such as mobility and territorial
relationships, as has been expressed by examples
from Australian (Blundell 1980), Siberian (Jordan
2001) and Amazonian groups (Politis 2007). Thus,
cosmologies can be viewed as maps of social order,
preventing people from getting lost in their social
interactions and keeping them in their places
(Blundell 1980:112).
If the maintenance of territories can be
conceptualised as a way in which human groups
preserve their cosmological worlds, and if these
worlds are tangible in the physical world, hunter
gatherer territoriality should not be understood as an
exclusion of others or as a defence of resources but
as a way of preserving resources (both material and
immaterial). Territorial claims are thus deeplyenrooted with senses of belonging and attachment
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to places as a consequence of their long term use
(Ingold 1993; Tilley 1994; Curtoni 1999, 2005; Politis
2007).
Understanding that rock art can be interpreted as
a material correlate of the expression of territorial
affiliations is assuming its complexity, since these
signs could be articulating the material and ecologicalaspects of the places where they are localised, with
their social, political and sacred dimensions.
Therefore, the following indicators are expected for
the rock art panels:
a they should be localised in points of highconcentration of resources
b they should be signall ing mobili ty paths, forexample, through the intervisibility between rockart sites, or between rock art sites andoutstanding topographic features
c certain repeti tion of some moti fs should beobserved if they were associated with territorialaffiliations
d rock art sites could evidence a ritual dimension.
As the appropriation of the landscape can be
expressed through ritual practices, another objective
of this paper is to explore a possible ritual dimension
in the analysed rock art sites. A place can be
considered sacred when it is imbued with religious
significance, and rituals are understood here as part
of wider religious systems (Arsenault 2004; Insoll
2004). Ritual practices are formalised, repetitive and
traditional because they refer to values that are
powerful because of their symbolic efficacy in order to
control time, space and natural processes
(Schechner 1994; Insoll 2004; Maisonneuve 2005;
Politis et al 2005). Thus, the search for the ritual
dimension of the landscape through the analysis of
rock art as a possible material consequence will
include the exploration of the formal, traditional and
symbolic aspects of ritual practices through the
evaluation of patterns, not only respecting theconfiguration of the motifs, but also considering the
spatial organisation of these images in the panels
and the spatial relationships between these panels
and the surrounding topography.
For this purpose, five sites with rock carvings will
be compared. These sites are located in the
northeastern portion of the Central Plateau of Santa
Cruz province (Argentina), and are related to a basin
situated south from the River Deseado, composed
by two temporary creeks (Blanco and Rojo) which
describe a northwest-southeast direction (figure 1).
3 The study area
The climatic conditions of the study area are semiarid
and rainfall is very scarce. As a result, the river courses
and creeks only carry water during the late winter and
the early spring. The main sources of fresh water
come from subterraneous springs which are created
by rain infiltration. The presence of water favours the
development of a shrubby (eg, Junellia tridens,
Berberis sp , and Senecio sp) and herbaceous
vegetation (Stipa sp) and concentrates a wide variety
of mammals, such as camelids (Lama guanicoe),
red foxes (Canis [Pseudalopex] culpaeus), grey foxes
(Canis [Pseudalopex] griseus), pumas (Puma
concolor) and smaller wild cats (Oncifelis geoffroyi,
Lynchailurus pajeros), Patagonian hare (Dolichotis
patagonum) and armadillo (Zaedyus pichiy), as well
as flightless birds (Pterocnemia pennata andEudromia elegans) and waterbirds, mainly swans
(Cygnus melancoryphus and Coscoroba coscoroba),
wild geese (Chloephaga sp) and ducks (Anas, Oxyura,
Merganeta).
Three of the analysed sites, Laguna del Cerro
Bonete (LCB), La Leonera (LL) and Bardas del Doce
(BD), belong to the upper course of the Blanco creek,
while the other two sites, Alero El Galpn (AEG-2) and
Cueva Grande (CG), are located at the lower course
of the Rojo creek (figure 1). Although these sites share
a similar ecology, since all of them are associated
with shallow lagoons and fresh water springs which
allow an important concentration of floristic and faunal
resources, the topographies in which they are
immersed are different. The upper course of the basin
corresponds to the western part of the study area,
which is predominantly formed by plateaux intersected
with canyons. The lower course corresponds to the
eastern sector of the area and is characterised by an
irregular landscape composed of extensive lowlands
alternated with isolated peaks and hills (Panza 2001).As will be discussed below, the particular
geographical location of these two groups of sites
had important consequences in their social use, and
therefore, in the ways in which the respective
landscapes were demarcated through rock art.
4 Analysis of the upper course of the Blanco
creek: Aguada del Cuero and Cerro del
Doce localities
Laguna del Cerro Bonete (LCB) and La Leonera (LL)
from Aguada del Cuero locality, and Bardas del Doce
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Figur
e
1
StudyareaintheCen
tralPatagonianPlate
au
(Argentina)showingthe
siteswithrock-car
ving
s,distributedalongthe
BlancoandRojocreeks
.Upperbasin:1)Lagun
adelCerro
Bonete,2)
LaLeonera,3)Bardas
delDo
ce.Lowerbasin:4)Cue
vaGrande,5)AleroEl
Galpn
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4.1 Location of motifs and visibility patterns
The rock art panels are positioned over basaltic walls
with extensions reaching up to 630 m in LCB, 100 m
in LL and 515 m in BD. Although the designs are
formally similar, motifs are more concentrated and
abundant in LCB (n=196), compared with LL (n=32)
and BD (n=29). Almost all the panels are visible fromshort distances (up to 7 m), although some of them
show a low (up to 3 m) or very low visibility (under 1
m). The low visibility is related to the short distance of
the motifs to the ground and to their position in corners
of the basaltic walls. In some cases, sediment was
partially covering the designs. At LCB, the less visible
motifs are also the most complex ones, showing a
circular and curvilinear design (figure 3). This pattern
contrasts with the location of more simple motifs
(most of them circles), which can be found more
frequently in the most sheltered sectors of the basaltic
wall, reaching heights up to 3 m, in occasions with
the presence of small rock shelters. The largest
concentrations of lithic artefacts have been recorded
in these sectors. From the low visibility of the most
complex designs, it is possible to infer that the
process of production of these motifs was considered
more important than their further visualisation by other
people, or that these images were intentionally made
so as not to be easily seen by others.
4.2 Relationships between the rock art sites
The three sites are similar in the design of the motifs
(figure 4), in the techniques employed, in the position
of the motifs on the basaltic walls and their visibility,
as well as in their topographic and ecological settings,
from which their functionality as hunting loci was
inferred (table 1). Although the designs are
morphologically and technically similar, BD lacks
figurative motifs. However, the figurative motifs at the
other two sites are so low that the tendencies remain
similar. The higher density, diversity and abundance
of motifs at LCB can be interpreted as the result of a
more intense use of the site.
4.3 The animal representations
As was mentioned above, the proportion of figurative
motifs at the upper course of the Blanco creek is low.
Most of them represent bird tracks, except one feline
track at LCB. All these figures were morphologically
compared with the tracks left by the real animals in
nature (Aramayo & Manera 1996; Bang & Dahlstm
2001), not only with the object of identifying possible
referents, but also with the aim of evaluating the degree
of naturalism versus non naturalism that the images
display, and in this way, exploring some symbolicaspects concerning the animal world among these
hunter-gatherer groups. The methodology included
the definition of types, from those that could be
assigned naturalistically to an existing taxon, followed
by morphologically similar designs that could not be
assigned to an existing referent, and ending with those
motifs that in spite of being formally connected to the
other types, could not be classified as figurative
(Carden 2007a).
The bird tracks that could be related naturalistically
with existing referents can be attributed to game birds
that spend their time on the ground, such as rheids
(Pterocnemia pennata) or partridges (Eudromia
elegans), and in one case to waders (probably a
heron: Ardeidae). Although low in proportion, these
images represent animals that normally inhabit the
more humid environments constituted by lagoons and
Figure 3 Photograph (a) and tracing (b) of a complex curvilinear design with low visibility from Laguna Cerro Bonete
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springs. In this way, the images would be making
reference to the places where they are localised,
especially considering the potential of these sites for
animal concentration. The only feline print, found in
LCB, is naturalistic and is associated in the same
panel with two bird tracks that could correspond to
game birds (see bird tracks in figure 4). Since this
composition involves both prey and predator, it may
have had connotations concerning hunting activities
in a hunting locus. In LCB, bird tracks are also closely
associated with the most complex curvilinear designs,
some of which have a low visibility (figure 5).
4.4 The intervisibility between the rock art sites
The three analysed sites are not directly intervisible
but they are easy to locate through the long distance
visibility of some conspicuous topographical features,
constituted by the hills to which they are spatially
associated (figure 6). At present, these hills are
considered as important landmarks and facilitate
spatial orientation for the local inhabitants. If they
functioned in a similar way for past hunter gatherers,
these landmarks would have signalled the pathways
that communicated the rock art sites, where resources
were concentrated. If territoriality among hunter
gatherers (of places and paths sensu Ingold 1986a)is understood as a property claim of resources in
space, the rock carvings could have been demarcating
places and resources, while the hills oriented the
paths leading to them.
4.5 The ritual dimension of the landscape
As discussed, territoriality can be expressed through
the sacredness of places, and rituals can refer to
Figure 4 Similarities in the design of the rock carvings from theupper course of the Blanco creek
Sites (upper course)
Attributes Laguna del Cerro Bonete La Leonera Bardas del Doce
Motive frequency 196 32 29
Abstract vs. f igurative Predominance of abstract Predominance of abstract Exclusive presence of abstract(92%) and few figurative (94%) and few figurative
Design Abundance of circular and Abundance of circular and Abundance of circular andcurvilinear: simple and very curvilinear: simple and very curvilinear: simplecomplex complex
Technique Predominantly superficial Predominantly superficial Superficial percussionpercussion.Some scraping percussion. Some scrapingand incision. and incision.
Patina Predominantly grey Grey Grey. Very eroded.
Superimpositions Low. Part of complex Low: simple incised lines Low. Part of complexcompositions: not over complex motives by compositions: notnecessarily diachronic percussion necessarily diachronic
Position Over basaltic walls: Over basaltic walls: Over basaltic walls:mainly vertical orientation mainly vertical orientation mainly vertical orientation
Visibility Normal and low: abundance Normal and low: motives Normal and low: abundanceof motives less than 1 m 1 m from the ground of motives less than 1 mfrom the ground from the ground
Ecological context Small depression with Spring and damp terrain. Spring, lagoons andlagoon and spring. Concentration of fauna. damp terrain.Concentration of fauna Concentration of fauna.
Inferred functionality Hunting locus Hunting locus Hunting locus
Table 1 Similarities between the rock art sites from the upper course of the basin
Laguna Cerro Bonete La Leonera
Laguna Cerro Bonete Bardas del Doce
10 cm
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sacred values. The similar patterns found in the
topographical location, position, design and technique
of the motifs could be pointing towards the formal
and traditional aspects of the ritual use of these
landscapes, while the symbolic aspects of rituality
could have been expressed by the differential visibility
of the most complex and simple motifs, by theassociation of the most complex designs with bird
tracks, or by the possible connotations inferred for
the animal tracks. The relationships between the rock
Figure 5 Association between a complex curvilinear figure and a bird track at Laguna Cerro Bonete. The figure occupies a vertical (v) andhorizontal (hz) plane on the basaltic wall. The horizontal plane has a short distance to the ground and a very low visibility
carvings and the natural features of the landscape,
such as hills and water sources, can also be
interpreted as symbolic, since these features were
not only functional as landmarks and as resource
concentrators, but were also active agents expressing
the social relationships among hunter gatherers.
5 Analysis of the lower course of the Rojo
creek: Piedra Museo locality
The topographical situation of Alero El Galpn (AEG-
2) and Cueva Grande (CG), at Piedra Museo locality,
is different from the location of the other three sites
(70 km towards the northwest), since these two rock
shelters are placed at a distance of 200 m within the
same sandstone outcrop, facing opposite directions
(figure 7). This situation is remarkable considering
the high density and abundance of motifs which are
concentrated over large boulders in the interior of the
rock shelters (n=84 motifs in AEG-2 and n=231 in
CG). Alero El Galpn is closely connected to a group
of springs and to a large, salty and dry lagoon. Fromthe top of the outcrop it is possible to obtain a wide
vista of the surrounding lowlands, which in this portion
of the area reach up to 200 masl.
The springs favour the concentration of a wide
variety of mammals and birds. This situation, together
with the presence of the outcrop, was interpreted as
strategic for planning the ambush of animals. The
archaeological evidence from the lower units of Alero
El Puesto (AEP-1), spatially contiguous to AEG-2,
confirmed the recurrent functionality of the place as a
killing and primary butchering site, with dates from ca
13,000 to 9000 years BP (Miotti 2003; Miotti et al 1999b;
Miotti & Salemme 2005). The faunal remains
recovered in these units correspond to Hippidion
saldiasi(extinct horse), Mylodon sp (extinct large
sloth), Lama guanicoe (guanaco) Lama gracilis (extinct
camelid), Rhea sp and Pterocnemia pennata (large
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Figure 6 View of Cerro Bonete and Cerro Comisin from Bardas del Doce site. Between these hills, Laguna del Cerro Bonete site can belocalised
flightless birds). The lithic assemblage includes
unifacial and bifacial instruments, such as two
fragments of fishtail projectile points. According to
the interpretation of the evidence from the upper units
ofAEP-1 and AEG-2, during the middle Holocene, ca
7400 years BP, the site was occupied for residential
purposes (Cattneo 2002; Miotti & Salemme 2005).
The stratigraphic information from the late Holocene
is scarce because the upper layer is thin and lacks
radiocarbon dates. The artefactual density is low and
associates with historical remains. However, at a
distance of less than 1 km from the rock shelters,important superficial concentrations of artefacts have
been detected and interpreted as residential bases
associated with the late Holocene (Miotti 2006).
The rock carvings from Piedra Museo are
morphologically similar to those recorded at Aguada
del Cuero and Cerro del Doce localities. Thus, they
can also be associated with the style of tracks
(Menghin 1952, 1957). However, the carvings from
Piedra Museo can be distinguished by an important
density of figurative motifs, which includes a large
quantity of animal tracks (bird, feline, guanaco andhorse) and a few human prints (hands and feet).
Among the recorded techniques, the most abundant
is percussion, although the grooves are deeper in
Piedra Museo. This fact is related to the plasticity of
the sandstone rock compared with the hardness of
the basaltic rocks from the upper course of the basin,
where the carvings are superficial.
The temporal resolution of the rock art from Piedra
Museo is coarse. During the excavations in AEG-2 it
was observed that in one of its borders, the carved
boulder was leaning on unit 1 (the top layer). This unit
lacks radiocarbon dates, but it should be younger than
7400 years BP (the date obtained for the middle
Holocene occupation below). According to the position
of the boulder and to the chronology attributed to the
style of tracks on a regional scale, the rock carvings
can be associated with the end of the middle Holocene
or with the late Holocene (Menghin 1957; Gradin 1976;
Schobinger & Gradin 1985; Belardi & Goi 2002, 2006;
Miotti & Carden 2007). No excavations could be carried
out in the interior of CG (the other site with rock
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carvings) because the sediments that cover it are very
scarce.
5.1 Location of the motifs and visibility patterns
The carvings were made over the horizontal surface
of large boulders in the interior of the rock shelters:
one boulder in AEG-2 and thirteen in CG, among which
seven are archaeological and five show recent graffiti
(figure 8). There are no visual restrictions to the
observation of the motifs. As a result of their horizontalposition, it is possible to circulate around the boulders
and observe the motifs from different angles. The
differences detected in the visibility are related to the
natural illumination of the panels as a result of the
opposite orientations of the rock shelters. As AEG-2
faces towards the southeast, the carved boulder
receives direct sunlight in the early morning (before 8
am in late spring). This situation contrasts with the
natural illumination of CG, since this rock shelter is
oriented towards the northwest and the boulders
receive direct sunlight in the afternoon (according toobservations in late spring, the site is completely
illuminated after 7 pm). As a result of the effects of
sunlight on the perception of the boulders, the carved
grooves look deeper and contrast with the surrounding
rock surfaces, which appear to be more voluminous
(figure 9).
5.2 Relationships between the rock art sites:
similarities and differences
The similarities between the rock carvings from AEG-
2 and CG not only concern the morphology and
technique of the motifs, but are also reflected in the
horizontal position of the images on the boulders, in
the possibilities of free circulation around these blocks
in order to visualise the motifs, in the normal visibility
of the motifs (excepting the differences in the effects
of sunlight) and in the spatial organisation of the motifs
in the boulders. Respecting this last point, although
the motifs can be visualised from different angles,
some of the panels/boulders show a central axis
constituted by lines that divide them in two halves or
by very complex curvilinear signs. The boulders
divided by lines are coincident in a high concentration
of figurative motifs, which are animal tracks in AEG-2
and mostly human tracks in CG (boulder no 1) (figure
10). The motifs from boulder no 2 in CG display a
certain symmetrical organisation around an axis
formed by a complex spiral figure (figure 11).
In spite of their similarities, both rock shelters also
have opposite relationships. One of them is their
differential orientation to sunlight and the other is adifferential distribution of motifs (table 2). Most of the
animal tracks (considering variety and quantity) are
concentrated in one boulder within AEG-2, while CG
is characterised by a more homogeneous distribution
of motifs and by the presence of human hands and
feet that, although numerically low, are qualitatively
important because they are associated with feline
tracks and with complex curvilinear designs that
occupy central positions in the boulders (see figure
11).
The oppositions between both sites concerning
Figure 7 View of Piedra Museo sandstone outcrop. 1) Alero El Galpn site, 2) Cueva Grande site, 3) springs and 4) dry salty lagoon
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the reception of sunlight can be related to the opposi-
tions in the distribution of motifs. According to the
closer position of AEG-2 to the springs, together with
its long term use as a hunting locus and its orienta-
tion to the rising sun, it is possible that the higher
concentration of animal tracks in this site could havebeen representing the idea of the origin and/or re-
newal of animals. The opposition between CG and
AEG-2 according to their reception of direct sunlight
during dawn or dusk connotes a certain circularity,
which is manifested through the continuity of the
course of time. This relationship could also be indi-
cating a symbolism related with life renewal (Carden
2007a, b) . In this context, the central position of the
most complex curvilinear figures is outstanding, since
in a wide variety of ethnographic contexts labyrinths,
concentric circles and spirals have mythological con-
notations related to the renewal of life (Schuster, 1956,
1988; Aschero 1973; Munn 1973, 1986 in Tilley
1994:48-49).
5.3 The animal and human representations
The high concentration of figurative motifs in Piedra
Museo contrasts with the low proportion that these
images represent in the upper course of the basin.
The animal tracks were associated with existing
referents, following the same methodology and criteria
employed for the other sites, which implies evaluat-
ing the degree of naturalism versus non naturalism
that the different represented taxa display.
Considering the analysed groups, the tracks as-
sociated with birds, guanacos and humans are the
most naturalistic. Among these motifs, bird tracks are
the most abundant, also showing the highest diver-
Figure 8 View of Cueva Grande rock shelter. The rock carvings are distributed over the surface of thirteen boulders
Figure 9 Photograph of a labyrinth figure from Cueva Grande
taken at sunset. The grooves look deeper as a result of the sunlighteffects. This motif occupies a central position in boulder no 4
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Figure 10 Tracings of boulders divided by longitudinal lines: a) Alero El Galpn, b) Cueva Grande. The latter tracing was obtained from an oldphotograph (De Aparicio 1935:plate XXXIII), since after this documentation part of the boulder has been intentionally destroyed. After Carden2007a, b
Sites (lower course)
Attributes Alero El Galpn Cueva Grande
Orientation southeast northwestSurface 36 m 128 mNumber of boulders 1 13Number of carvings 84 231% figurative/ abstract motives 70/30 30/70
Human representations absent present
Table 2 Differences between Alero El Galpn and Cueva Grande at Piedra Museo locali ty
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sity in types (Carden 2007a). The associated refer-
ents could correspond to game birds (rheids and/or
partridges). Bird and guanaco tracks are not only natu-
ralistic in their internal morphology, but also in the
way they are organised, since in some panels they
can be representing trails (see naturalistic bird tracks
and guanaco trails in figure 10a). On the contrary, thefeline tracks, which are also numerous and widely
Figure 11 Photograph and tracing of boulder no 2 in Cueva Grande. Two curvilinear motifs with a U shape, as wel l as two hands, a foot andseveral feline tracks, are distributed around a central spiral figure, in some cases showing a certain symmetry. After Carden 2007a, b
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diverse in types, are mainly non naturalistic because
most of them show more or less than four toes (as
the natural prints have) (see figures 10b and 11). As
mentioned above, these motifs are recurrently
associated with human prints (hands and feet) and
complex curvilinear designs.
If the naturalism versus non naturalism of thedifferent animals represented is compared with the
ecological relationships between the referents in
nature, it is possible to observe that all the prey animal
tracks (birds and guanacos) are naturalistic while the
predators are mainly non naturalistic (felines).
Considering that humans and felines share their
predator status in the trophic chain, and given the
naturalism that the human prints display in Piedra
Museo (see figures 10b and 11), their close spatial
connection to the non naturalistic feline tracks in the
rock art panels is significant as a possible way in
which human hunting practices could have acquired
power through their association with other hunters
of high metaphorical value. The symbolic importance
of large carnivores in hunter gatherer cosmologies
has been widely reported in the anthropological and
archaeological literature (see for example Ingold
1986b; Jordan 2001; Polit is & Saunders 2002;
Helskog 2004).
5.4 The ritual dimensions of the landscape
The morphological and technical similarities of the
rock carvings can be interpreted as a result of a
relatively synchronic use of both sites. However, these
indicators are not conclusive in the temporal
resolution of the carving production sequence at
Piedra Museo, especially considering the high density
of motifs and their differential conservation, as well
as the presence of some superimpositions. These
circumstances can also be signalling a certain
diachrony, in which the patterns observed in the rock
carvings could represent the continuity along time ofvisual representation codes shared among the hunter
gatherer groups that frequently visited the locality in
their mobility circuits. The intense use of the rock
shelters evidenced through the density of the rock
carvings, which could be attributed to the middle/late
Holocene, contrasts with the scarcity of other material
remains for that period in the top layer of AEG-2. This
situation is even more remarkable at CG, since this
site almost lacks sediments. The contrast suggests,
together with the similarities and differences of both
rock shelters, that the sites could have been specifi-
cally used for ritual purposes. The morphological and
technical similarities of the motifs, as well as the simi-
lar structures of the compositions, point towards the
formal and traditional aspects of rituality, reflected in
the continuity of visual representation codes. Like-
wise, the connotations proposed for the opposite
spatial orientations of the rock shelters, together withthe differential frequencies and associations of the
animal and human tracks, may be signalling the sym-
bolic aspects of ritual practices (Carden 2007a, b).
6 Discussion
The sites with rock carvings from the study area are
environmentally comparable in their association with
fresh water sources which favour the concentration of
plants and animals. However, fundamental
differences were detected according to their location
in different sectors within the basin of the Blanco and
Rojocreeks, and consequently, to the landscapes in
which they are immersed. Although all the analysed
sites are placed in the interior of depressions, the
extensions of these landforms are smaller in the upper
course of the basin, compared with the large lowland
where Piedra Museo is located. As a result of their
topographic position, the visibility of all the sites is
low. However, LCB, LL and BD, at the upper course of
the basin, are possible to locate through landmarks
constituted by the most conspicuous hills. Thiscircumstance also allows an indirect intervisibility
between these sites. Although there are some
landmarks in the lower course of the basin which
facilitate spatial orientation to find Piedra Museo, the
visibility of this locality is much lower as a result of its
geographic situation in a larger depression (table 3).
On the contrary, the visibility of the surrounding
landscape from the top of the outcrop is higher, since
the extension of the depression allows wide vistas.
The distance between the rock art sites in both
sectors of the basin is also different, being longer at
the upper course. The proximity of the rock shelters of
Piedra Museo is remarkable considering the dense
concentration of rock carvings (table 3). Among the 32
sites with rock art that have been recorded in the area,
CG shows the highest frequency of motifs (Carden
2007a). The concentration of rock art at Piedra Museo
can be partially explained through the more
discontinuous distribution of outcrops in the eastern
sector of the study area, compared with their higher
abundance in the plateau landscape that character-
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Territories among hunter-gatherers & the ritual dimension of landscapes: the central Patagonian plateau: Carden
ises the western sector (Panza 2001). Although these
circumstances explain the high concentration of rock
art at AEG-2 and CG, they do not account for the abun-
dance of animalistic motifs that characterises Piedra
Museo. The particular repertoire of the locality, as well
as the symbolic connotations that have been pro-
posed for the opposite motif frequencies in both sitesand for the associations of the different motifs, can be
related to the landscape constituted by the springs
and to the opposite orientation of the rock shelters
towards the sunlight. The singularity of this landscape
is linked to its long term use as a hunting locus. Thus,
the deep temporality of Piedra Museo can be inter-
preted as the result of enfolding events that involved
recurrent relationships between people, animals, the
topography and the cyclical course of time (Ingold
1993). From the late Pleistocene, animals have
frequented the water sources, and the natural
topography of the place facilitated their ambush and
capture (Miotti 1996; Miotti et al 1999b; Miotti &
Salemme 2005). In this context, the opposite
orientation of the rock shelters towards the sunlight
could have been perceived and expressed
symbolically through the differential frequencies and
spatial organisations of the motifs (Carden 2007a,
b). This argument can be reinforced considering that
although other rock shelters have been located in the
same outcrop which is 5 km long, only these two sitescontain rock art.
Through relationships of similarity and opposition,
the two groups of rock art sites could be integrated
into possible signifying systems. At the upper course
of the basin, the interpretation of the rock carvings of
LCB, LL and BD as the material correlates of territorial
demarcations went beyond the analysis of singular
sites, considering the intervisibility between the sites
and their spatial relationships with the natural features
of the landscape, such as hills and water sources. At
the lower course, the spatial situation of the rock
carvings from AEG-2 and CG suggest that the
constitution of Piedra Museo as a place (sensuIngold
1993, Tilley 1994) could have depended on the
integration of both rock shelters, their natural
illumination and the water sources into signifyingsystems that included relationships of similarity and
symbolic oppositions.
The differences in the distances between the rock
art sites at the two sectors of the basin are fundamental
in understanding the ways in which these places were
demarcated and integrated into social landscapes. In
this sense, at the upper course, where the distances
are longer, the similarities between the rock carvings
are stronger, while at the lower course, where the
distance is short, the relationships between the motifs
of the two rock shelters are of opposition. In this sense,
LL and BD are located at distances from LCB
(respectively 7 and 13 km) that correspond theoretically
to the scale of a hunter-gatherer mobility, which
according to different ethnoarchaeological models can
reach around 9 km through foraging radius (Binford
1982) or daily foraging trips (Politis 2007). In these
relationships of similarity, it is possible that the three
sites could have functioned alternatively as hunting loci,
although the higher concentration of motifs and lithic
artefacts at LCB may be signalling a more intense useof this site. In this context, the similarities of the motifs
could have integrated the places into the social
landscape of the hunter gatherer groups, or in other
words, into their territories. At the lower course of the
basin, the distance between AEG-2 and CG (200 m) is
shorter than the distances proposed for a differential
use of the landscape through hunter gatherer mobility.
Thus, although the opposite relationships between the
rock carvings are important in the understanding of the
Sectors of the basin
Attributes Upper course Lower course
Number of carved sites 3 2Number of motives 257 315Maximum distancebetween sites 7 to 13 km 200 mFigurative 6% 41%Proportion of abstract 94% 59%Human representation absent presentPosition vertical horizontalSite visibility high: pointed by hills low
Intervisibility yes (indirect) no
Table 3 Differences between the rock art sites from the upper and lower course of the basin
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symbolic construction of Piedra Museo as a place
through the integration of both rock shelters and the
natural topography, the comprehension of the social
construction of the landscape at the lower course also
needs to relate PiedraMuseo to other sites located at
longer distances, especially if a landscape is
considered as a series of named locales, a set ofrelational places linked by paths, movements and
narratives (Tilley 1994:34). To date, AEG-2 and CG are
the only rock art sites that have been located at the
lower course of the basin, probably as a result of the
lower abundance of outcrops in the eastern sector of
the study area. However, the conception of the social
construction of the landscape should not only be based
upon the study of rock art and should incorporate other
kinds of archaeological evidence. In this sense, the
spatial relationships and the intervisibility between
Piedra Museo and Cerro El Sargento site, a late
Holocene human burial located at a distance of 2.28
km south from the rock shelters, have been considered
of high significance for the interpretation of the symbolic
demarcations of sacred landscapes and hunter-
gatherer territories (Miotti 2006).
7 Conclusions
All the analysed sites are located at places with a
high concentration of resources and evidence an
intense human use. The presence of rock art at thesesites is not only signalling the functionality of the
places within the mobility and settlement systems of
the hunter-gatherer groups that occupied the region,
but also points towards the ways in which they were
signified, especially if places are understood as
charged with the meanings that resulted from the
experiences involved in their use and construction
(Ingold 1993; Tilley 1994).
The places and landscapes studied in this article
were interpreted as signifying systems deeply con-
nected with the territorial relationships among hunter-
gatherers during the late Holocene. The symbolism,
formalism and traditionalism manifested through the
rock carvings and their spatial organisation may be
expressing the importance of ritual activities in the
definition of these social relationships.
Although the results presented in this paper posi-
tion rock art as an important indicator for the compre-
hension of the social construction of the landscape,further studies need to be carried out in which these
signs should be integrated with other lines of archaeo-
logical evidences. Thus, the spatial relationships
between the rock art panels and other sites of impor-
tant social value within hunter-gatherers mobility sys-
tems are fundamental for a more complete under-
standing of their communication networks. In these
relationships, the natural topographic features acquire
an essential relevance for interpreting the integration
of humans into their natural, social and symbolic
worlds.
Acknowledgements
I am deeply indebted to many people who assisted in
this research. I am especially grateful for the important
comments on the manuscript made by Laura Miotti,
Dnae Fiore and Mnica Salemme. This research
was possible thanks to a grant from CONICET and
the Natural Science Faculty of La Plata. The fieldwork
carried out in Piedra Museo and Aguada del Cuero
was financially supported by an ANPCYT fund to theresearch project leaded by Laura Miotti in Santa Cruz,
and also thanks to the kind collaboration and logistical
support from the Secretary of Culture from Pico
Truncado and the invaluable hospitality of the Iribarne
family at Aguada del Cuero establishment. The rock
art documentation in the field was carried out with
Laura Miotti, Mnica Salemme and Luca Magnin, and
much of the image processing was undertaken with
the assistance of Bruno Pianzola.
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